president

  • The State Tribunal as a Special Organization Adjudicating on the Consitutional Responsibility of the President

    Author: Sabina Grabowska
    Institution: University of Rzeszów
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 219-233
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.06.14
    PDF: ppk/40/ppk4014.pdf

    The creation of a special body whose sole purpose is to rule on violations of the constitution or statutes by senior state officials, including the president, is relatively rare. Only Greece and Poland have implemented such a solution and until recently also the French law provided such a possibility but the amendment of the Constitution in 2007 changed the legislation within that scope. The subject of the study is the analysis of Polish regulations concerning the State Tribunal in the context when the National Assembly adopts a resolution to put the President in charge of committing a constitutional delinquency.

  • The relations among the Polish Armed Forces’ Management Entities depicted in the 1997 Constitution

    Author: Agnieszka Bień-Kacała
    Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
    Author: Tomasz Kacała
    Institution: Allied Joint Force Command Brunssum
    Year of publication: 2015
    Source: Show
    Pages: 141-161
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2015.06.08
    PDF: ppk/28/ppk2808.pdf

    The current political-military situation enforces verification of existing structural and procedural arrangements relating to the functioning of Polish defense system. According to a number of conceptual documents (including National Security Strategy of 2014) the system consists of two kinds of subsystems: the controlling and the executive. The latter kind of subsystems includes operational and supporting sorts. The Polish Armed Forces (PAF) are the key element of the national defence system and are subject to civilian supervision of the democratic authorities. With regard to this kind of supervision there are two primary (fundamental) notions that deserve particular attention: headship and control. Both forms of supervision are reserved for civilian authorities during peacetime, respectively for the President of Poland and the Minister of National Defence. During the war time, the Council of Ministers gains greater importance in controlling the state defence. In this context, the category that invariably remains in the PAF domain is command understood as a specific form of control. Noteworthy, however, is the fact that the war-time PAF command structure, considering existing legal regulations, does not seem fully optimized. Therefore the reform of PAF control and command system, initiated in 2014, requires continuation and completion.

  • Electoral System of the Republic of Belarus after 25 Years of Independence

    Author: Anna Kuleszewicz
    Institution: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 618-627
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2018402
    PDF: ppsy/47-4/ppsy2018402.pdf

    This paper aims to present a case study analysis of the condition of the electoral system in the Republic of Belarus after more than a quarter of a century of independence. The main purpose of the paper is to explain the discrepancies between legislation and practice. The author intended to note a real situation that dominates the country’s political scene in comparison to theoretical establishments. A Constitution of the Republic (created in 1994, with minor changes in 1996 and 2004) is the legal ground of the electoral system, however, procedural details were drawn up in the Electoral Code. The principles of Belarusian electoral code consist of some statements known from democratic models, such as universal suffrage, direct suffrage, secret ballot and equality. There are different types of elections in Belarus but the most important ones are presidential and parliamentary elections. Despite the detailed legal rules for conducting these elections, in fact, the principles of democracy, as well as the internal rules in Belarus, are not respected. Both presidential and parliamentary elections have shown this in recent years. Independent observers for a long time have been alarming about worrying electoral practices in Belarus. It is also worth emphasizing that since 1994, one man has been in power uninterruptedly, and Parliament has in fact a symbolic function. In the source materials, the author used Belarusian legal acts, analyses and reports, press notes as well as scientific papers.

  • The President of the Republic of Poland in the Light of Constitutions Adopted in Poland Between 1918 and 2018 – Selected Issues

    Author: Łukasz Danel
    Institution: Uniwersyt Ekonomiczny w Krakowie
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9715-3377
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 7-20
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ksm201801
    PDF: ksm/23/ksm201801.pdf

    The article concerns the constitutional position and political role of the President of the Republic of Poland. Though the Author concentrates on the current constitution of Poland, that entered info force in 1997, he also reviews all the constitutions (and important amendments to these constitutions) that were adopted over the last century, so after Poland had restored its sovereignty in 1918.
    The analysis is concentrated not only on the constitutional position and political role of the Polish president, but also on the way he was (and is) elected. The Author tries to prove a thesis that the actual political position of the head in the state in Poland depended and still depends not only on constitutional provisions, but also on specific political circumstances, and even the character and personality of the people holding this office.

  • Evolution of the Senate institutions based on the Constitutional Act of March 17th 1921 and the Constitutional Act of April 23rd 1935

    Author: Anna Hadała
    Institution: The Department of Legal Institutions and Human Rights of the Faculty of Law and Administration of University of Rzeszow
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6432-5651
    Author: Damian Wicherek
    Institution: Department of State Theory, Law and Policy of the Institute of Political Sciences of the University of Rzeszów
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1710-0820
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 117-124
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.06.09
    PDF: ppk/46/ppk4609.pdf

    In the article, the authors compare the institutions of the Senate of the Second Polish Republic on the basis of the Constitutional Act of March 17, 1921 and the Constitutional Act of April 23, 1935. In the first part, the article presents the the way of functioning and selecting the senators in accordance with the provisions of the Constitutional Act of March 17, 1921. The second part of the article is a description of the regulations contained in the constitutional Act of 23 April 1935, on the basis of which then Senate of the Republic of Poland functioned. At the end of this article, the authors indicate similarities, but above all differences, in the functioning of the first chamber of the parliament of the Second Polish Republic.

  • Political Communication in the Period of the Constitution Referendum Campaign in Poland in 1997

    Author: Dominik Szczepański
    Institution: University of Rzeszow
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 169-186
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2019.64.10
    PDF: apsp/64/apsp6410.pdf

    The aim of the article was to present the means of political communication in the 1997 referendum campaign in Poland, and to find answers for the following questions: 1) who was the creator of political messages?; 2) what was the ideological structure of communication?; 3) what channels did the authors of political message make use of?; 4) in what way did the recipients decode the message?; 5) what was the effect of the political messages?; 6) did the referendum campaign influence the result of parliamentary elections – and if so, to what degree? The answers acquired in that way will contribute to exposing full perspective of political communication.

  • 20 Years after The Lustration of Lech Wałęsa

    Author: Henryk Marek Składanowski
    Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 45-66
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop2020103
    PDF: rop/11/rop1103.pdf

    Th is study aims to determine whether the decision of the V Lustration Department of the Court of Appeal in Warsaw issued in 2000, that Lech Wałęsa was not a secret collaborate of the former Security Service of the Polish People’s Republic (PPR), was a correct one. Marek Aft yka’s “briefi ng memo” and Proceedings of Regional Court in Gdańsk I Civil Department in 2010 in a case brought by Lech Wałęsa against Krzysztof Wyszkowski were researched in this article.
    It is stated that individual decisions of judges in 2000 were wrong in this case, which was confi rmed on February 16, 2016 by fi nding the personal and working fi les of the secret collaborate codename “Bolek”. Analysis of the sources demonstrated that Wałęsa he did not consider the cooperation with the prosecution and security institutions, as well as with the state of real socialism as something wrong. At the same time, former Polish president, as a well-trained agent, will never admit to the cooperation.

  • Constitutional Aspects of the Government Crisis in Moldova in 2019

    Author: Artur Olechno
    Institution: University of Białystok
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2594-0376
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 379-387
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.05.28
    PDF: ppk/57/ppk5728.pdf

    The purpose of this paper is to present a government crisis in Moldova that took place in 2019 from the point of view of its constitutional basis. Based on a legal dogmatic-analysis, supported with the comparative and historical methods, the paper verifies whether the blame for the situation could be placed solely on the Moldovan political fractions or on the unfortunate distribution of the voters’ preferences, or rather on the legislator who passed ill-advised laws without foreseeing the possibility of a conflict, including the emerging dual power system in Moldova at the time in question.

  • Performing the Function of a Commune Head (Mayor, City President) by a Person Convicted of Public Prosecution to a Fine

    Author: Sabina Grabowska
    Institution: University of Rzeszow
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0530-708X
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 183-190
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.06.14
    PDF: ppk/58/ppk5814.pdf

    The subject of the article is an analysis of the possibility of holding the function of a commune head (mayor, city president) in the light of the generally applicable law in Poland by a person convicted of public prosecution with a fine.

  • Pozycja ustrojowa przewodniczącego na przykładzie izb Kongresu Stanów Zjednoczonych Ameryki

    Author: Anna Hadała-Skóra
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6432-5651
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 427-435
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2021.04.28
    PDF: ppk/62/ppk6228.pdf

    The political position of the chairman on the example of the houses of the Congress of the United States of America

    This article is devoted entirely to the institution of the President on the example of the Congress of the United States of America. The office of the chairman, whose competence is to conduct deliberations, is characteristic of bodies with a collegial structure. This applies especially to those of them whose composition consists of more than a few persons. The author of the article focus on all aspects concerning this office. In the first part there is a brief characterization of the models of the institution of the speaker of parliament, as well as a historical outline of this institution. In the next part an author present the systemic position of the presiding officers of the chambers of the American Parliament.

  • Skrócenie kadencji Sejmu RP w 2007 r. - nowy rozdział w polskiej polityce

    Author: Piotr Steczkowski
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5082-7757
    Author: Damian Wicherek
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1710-0820
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 115-122
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2021.05.08
    PDF: ppk/63/ppk6308.pdf

    Shortening the term of the Polish Sejm in 2007

    The purpose of this paper was to analyze the regulations contained in the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 2 April 1997 (The Constitution of the Republic of Poland) concerning the shortening of the term of parliament. The paper discusses the political reasons for which such a decision was made during the 5th term of the Polish Sejm (2005–2007) and the effects it had on the Polish political scene in later years.

  • Pozycja ustrojowa prezydenta w systemie parlamentarnym i semiprezydenckim w świetle konstytucji litewskich z 1922 r. i 1992 r.

    Author: Martinas Malużinas
    Institution: Uniwersytet Łódzki
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2772-9534
    Year of publication: 2022
    Source: Show
    Pages: 173-183
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2022.01.13
    PDF: ppk/65/ppk6513.pdf

    The Political Position of the President in the Parliamentary and Semi-presidential Systems in the Light of the Lithuanian Constitutions of 1922 and 1992

    This article aims to analyze the political position of the president in the parliamentary systems of interwar Lithuania and the semi-presidential system of modern Lithuania. The analysis covers the regulations of Lithuanian constitutions of 1922 and 1992. The article assesses the most important legal provisions concerning the political position of the head of state. The subject of the analysis is still relevant, as Lithuania, like during the first independence period, adopted the same political system, restoring its pre-war solutions (including reactivating the institution of the head of state). Identifying the differences and similarities in the systemic position of the institution of the head of state in the light of the Lithuanian basic laws seems to be an issue worth scientific research.

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