Prezydent RP

  • Acceptance of Foreign Orders by the President of the Republic of Poland with Regard to Polish Legal Regulations and Practice of Bestowal and Acceptance of Decorations

    Author: Marcin Michał Wiszowaty
    E-mail: mwiszowaty@konstytuty.pl
    Institution: University of Gdańsk
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 283-298
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.06.17
    PDF: ppk/40/ppk4017.pdf

    The first orders had been established and awarded by monarchs long before the republican concept of presidency was developed. The many powers which presidents took over from monarchs include, inter alia, the awarding (and revoking) of state honours. The issue, usually regarded as marginal, does not appeal to constitutional law scholars. Poland’s legal regulations concerning orders are hardly precise (this being particularly true as far as the constitutional law is discussed) and the fact gives rise to many practical problems concerning application of the country’s constitution and statutes from the field, quite frequently going beyond the matters of orders in the strict meaning of the phrase. One of the questions of the kind, not having become an object of interest to legal scholars so far, is the acceptance by the President of the Republic of Poland of foreign orders and distinctions received either within his capacity as the supreme representative of the State in international relations or as a private individual. The picture resulting from an analysis of practice and theory of order-related issues is hardly a coherent one. The following paper – besides due presentation – aims at sharpening the somewhat blurry image.

  • Odpowiedzialność Prezydenta za wykroczenia

    Author: Kamil Dąbrowski
    E-mail: kamil.dabrowski@wpiaus.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Szcześciński
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 109-121
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.01.05
    PDF: ppk/35/ppk3505.pdf

    The article discusses the scope of legal responsibility on the part of The President of the Republic of Poland. The lack of precise legal regulations concerning the matter in question leads to the following conclusion: taking into consideration the present prohibitionof implicit immunity the President of the Republic of Poland ought to share the same realm of legal responsibility as do other Polish citizens. Yet, due to the apparent dangers inherent in the execution of the legal responsibility the author proposes for the jurisdiction in question to be under the supervision of the State Tribunal. The author’s argument is founded on the present legal order as well as in numerous functional and language oriented factors. As a consequence, the author claims “the offense” as defined in the 145th article of the Constitution is in reality a general notion for criminal responsibility.

  • Racjonalizacja polskich instytucji politycznych przy zastosowaniu rozwiązań ustrojowych państw współczesnych

    Author: Radosław Grabowski
    E-mail: drgrabowski@wp.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 11-21
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.05.01
    PDF: ppk/39/ppk3901.pdf

    The article is an attempt to identify the constitutional authorities of Poland, whose functioning can be improved through the application of solutions operating in other countries. The change in the way the Senate is elected is seen as an opportunity to improve the quality of the statutes passed in Poland. The appointment of the vice president is to improve the functioning of the office of the President of the Republic and to make him independent of the parliament. Entrusting the constitutional review of the law to the Supreme Court can contribute to the depoliticization of this process. A similar effect can be attained in the case of constitutional responsibility, provided that its common courts are enforced.

  • Przejściowa niemożność sprawowania urzędu przez prezydenta RP w świetle Konstytucji i nowej ustawy o Trybunale Konstytucyjnym

    Author: Mateusz Radajewski
    E-mail: mateusz.radajewski@prawo.uni.wroc.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Wrocławski
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 11-31
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2016.02.01
    PDF: ppk/30/ppk3001.pdf

    Artykuł dotyczy problematyki przejściowej niemożności sprawowania urzędu przez prezydenta RP. Konstytucja wyróżnia aż trzy rodzaje takiej niemożności. Pierwszy obejmuje sytuacje, w których prezydent jest zdolny do poinformowania o tym fakcie, drugi – gdy nie może tego uczynić, trzeci natomiast wiąże się z zawieszeniem sprawowania urzędu przez prezydenta w związku z postawieniem go w stan oskarżenia przed Trybunałem Stanu. W artykule omówiono po kolei każde z tych zagadnień. Autor odnosi się m.in. do przesłanek stwierdzenia przeszkody w sprawowaniu urzędu przez prezydenta RP, a także poddaje szczegółowej analizie przepisy nowej ustawy o Trybunale Konstytucyjnym dotyczące tego zagadnienia. Refleksje autora uzupełnione są odpowiednimi wnioskami oraz postulatami nowelizacji zarówno Konstytucji RP, jak i wspomnianej ustawy.

  • Zwierzchnictwo prezydenta RP nad siłami zbrojnymi (wybrane problemy)

    Author: Ryszard Balicki
    Institution: Uniwersytet Wrocławski
    Year of publication: 2014
    Source: Show
    Pages: 13-25
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2014.02.01
    PDF: ppk/18/ppk1801.pdf

    The article presents the status of the President of the Republic of Poland in the executive structure in Poland, taking into account the judgment of the Constitutional Tribunal on the dispute settlement between the Prime Minister and the President of the Republic of Poland (Kpt 2/08). The author also defines the Presidential power of „supreme command” over the Armed Forces of the Republic of Poland (Polish Constitution, Article 134) and the manner in which it is exercised it in times of peace (through the Minister of National Defence), as well as in times of war (through the Commander-in-Chief of the Armed Forces). The article also shows selected specific powers of the President provided for in the statutory law.

  • Relations between the President and the Senate in the Light of Provisions of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of April 2, 1997

    Author: Krzysztof Eckhardt
    E-mail: Krzysztof.Eckhardt@wspia.eu
    Institution: Wyższa Szkoła Prawa i Administracji w Rzeszowie
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3338-9836
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 15-25
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2019.05.01
    PDF: ppk/51/ppk5101.pdf

    The author describes mutual, constitutional relations between the Senate and the head of state, and asks questions about the perspectives of their modification. The political events of 1989 leading to the reinstatement of a single-member head of state and Senate in Poland made their restitution closely related. At present, the competence and func- tional dependence of these bodies is low. The President and the Senate share a common view on the constant presence in the doctrinal and political discussion of the problem of changing their political position.

  • The President of the Republic of Poland as the Guardian of Sovereignty and Security of the State

    Author: Katarzyna Dunaj
    E-mail: katarzyna.dunaj@up.krakow.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny w Krakowie
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4788-6019
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 51-58
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2019.05.03
    PDF: ppk/51/ppk5103.pdf

    This article analyzes tasks and competences of the President of the Republic of Poland as the guardian of sovereignty and security of the state. The author recognizes major importance of the head of state in that field. The President is the supreme commander of the Armed Forces and exercises powers connected with this function. The President also exercises a number of other powers, including those of an extraordinary nature (in- troduction of martial law and the state of emergency, declaring a time of war, declaring a general or partial mobilization). The author of the article underlines the necessity of cooperation of the President and the Council of Ministers in the field of the state securi- ty. It results from the fact that some powers are subject of countersignature of the Prime Minister or are exercised at the request of the Council of Ministers or its members (the Prime Minister, the Minister of National Defense).

  • Jeszcze raz o referendum przedkonstytucyjnym

    Author: Krzysztof Grajewski
    E-mail: prakg@ug.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Gdański
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8691-5150
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 47-66
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.02.03
    PDF: ppk/54/ppk5403.pdf

    The article discusses the issue of the pre-constitutional referendum in Polish law. In 1992 a referendum approving the new constitution was introduced to the constitutional pro- visions. The current constitutional regulations expressly allow only the possibility of holding a constitutional referendum approving constitutional amendments. However, the analysis of current regulations leads to the conclusion that it is possible to announce a referendum on constitutional matters in accordance with Article 125 of the Constitu- tion, regulating the so-called nationwide referendum.

  • Czy Konstytucja RP jest przystosowana do czasów kryzysu? Wybrane problemy i postulaty de lege ferenda

    Author: Janusz Roszkiewicz
    E-mail: j.roszkiewicz@wpia.uw.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Warszawski
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5055-2215
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 141-153
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2021.02.09
    PDF: ppk/60/ppk6009.pdf

    Is Polish Constitution adjusted to the times of crisis? Selected problems and de lege ferenda propositions

    The subject of this article is the question whether the Constitution of the Republic of Po- land of 1997 provides sufficient guarantees for the continuity of government and cooper- ation of public authorities in the event of sudden threats such as war, rebellion, natural disaster or terrorist attack. The analysis shows that the Constitution of the Republic of Poland is prepared for standard emergency situations, but does not contain procedures in the event of the worst-case scenarios: necessity of state of emergency during electoral campaign; failure to gather a minimum quorum of 230 deputies for the needs of a ses- sion of the parliament; the death of top politicians in the state.

  • Znaczenie Rady Gabinetowej w okresie politycznej jedności dwóch podmiotów egzekutywy oraz w warunkach koabitacji

    Author: Łukasz Wielgosz
    Institution: Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 200-215
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2021.69.12
    PDF: apsp/69/apsp6912.pdf

    Przedmiotem artykułu jest jedna z instytucjonalnych form kooperacji dwóch podmiotów dualnej egzekutywy w Polsce, czyli instytucja Rady Gabinetowej. Jak stanowi Konstytucja, tworzy ją Rada Ministrów pod przewodnictwem Prezydenta RP. Ustrojodawca wyposażył tym samym głowę państwa w możliwość zwołania spotkania z rządem, który musi stawić się na zaproszenie Prezydenta. Co prawda temu organowi nie przysługują kompetencje Rady Ministrów, jednak można odnieść wrażenie, że rozmowa głowy państwa z rządem to dobra sposobność do wygaszania wzajemnych sporów oraz okazja do rozmowy dwóch politycznych graczy o przyszłości Polski. Czy to wrażenie ma pokrycie w rzeczywistości? Jak wyglądają obrady, co jest ich tematyką i kto im przewodniczy? Jaki może być realny cel obrad? Jakie funkcje może spełniać Rada Gabinetowa w warunkach koabitacji, a jakie przy politycznej jedności obu podmiotów egzekutywy? Celem artykułu jest przede wszystkim znalezienie odpowiedzi na tak postawione pytania.

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