Rada Ministrów

  • Złożoność pojęcia „bezpieczeństwo energetyczne” i jego podstawy w Konstytucji RP

    Author: Jakub Robel
    E-mail: j.robell@interia.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Jana Kochanowskiego w Kielcach
    Year of publication: 2015
    Source: Show
    Pages: 135-157
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2015.04.07
    PDF: ppk/26/ppk2607.pdf

    One of the important dimensions of the evaluation of society existence is energy security. Providing the right framework for the electricity sector is the basis for the operation of this type of security in its economic dimension, and so this issue can be seen as one of the top priorities of energy policies. This raises the need for an appropriate legal framework to enable proper interaction of administration bodies responsible for the overall relations, both inside and outside the state. Associated with this is also the issue of the appropriate rank of the fundamental – constitutional – norms. The Polish example of a system of constitutional law shows that, despite the lack of a reference to this issue in the Constitution, by means of interpretation of “sustainable development” (art. 5 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland) one can find the relevant legislation, allowing the chief state authorities to carry out the activity in relation to the issue of “energy security”.

  • Kompetencje prezesa Rady Ministrów i właściwych ministrów w zakresie bezpieczeństwa i obronności państwa

    Author: Rafał Trzeciakowski
    E-mail: trzeciakowski@chmaj.pl
    Institution: Wyższa Szkoła Psychologi Społecznej Uniwersytet Humanistycznospołeczny
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 243-265
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2016.04.14
    PDF: ppk/32/ppk3214.pdf

    Rada Ministrów jest konstytucyjnym organem władzy wykonawczej odpowiedzialnym za sprawowanie ogólnego kierownictwa w zakresie wewnętrznego i zewnętrznego bezpieczeństwa państwa i porządku publicznego. Temat kompetencji Rady Ministrów w dziedzinie bezpieczeństwa i obronności został już szeroko omówio- ny w doktrynie prawa konstytucyjnego. Istotnym jest jednak, że osobne kompetencje w omawianym zakresie, posiadają także prezes Rady Ministrów, minister obrony narodowej oraz minister właściwy do spraw wewnętrznych. Jak zostanie wykazane w toku niniejszego opracowania, kompetencje te mają dwojaki charakter. Z jednej strony są to kompetencje wynikające ze stosunku zależności i kierownictwa nad organami administracji, samorządu czy służb mundurowych. Z drugiej strony, prezes Rady Ministrów, minister ibrony narodowej oraz minister właściwy do spraw wewnętrznych zostali wyposażeni w szereg szczegółowych kompetencji umożliwiających im realizację polityki bezpieczeństwa i obronności zarówno w czasie pokoju, jak i w czasie zagrożenia państwa.

  • Akty o mocy ustawy w polskim porządku konstytucyjnym. Tradycja a współczesność

    Author: Sławomir Patyra
    Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
    Year of publication: 2014
    Source: Show
    Pages: 251-273
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2014.02.15
    PDF: ppk/18/ppk1815.pdf

    The issue of the place and role of the acts under the Act in order political system is important in the study of constitutional law, both in terms of the structure of the system of sources of law and system of government. The question of the issue by the acts of the executive authorities of universally binding law of the power of the law is in fact closely linked to the principle of separation of powers, namely the formula rationalization of law-making in a system of parliamentary government. Evidence of this act, that the greatest development of this type of legislation came in the first half of the twentieth century, acting in response to a profound crisis of parliamentarism functional in Europe. Acts under the Act are also a permanent place in the Polish political tradition. Introduced for the first time under the so-called novel in August of 1926, in various forms and with varying intensity continuously operate in the Polish system of sources of law until 1989. She received them the Small Constitution of 1992, as amended regulations with the force of law, issued by the Council of Ministers on the basis of parliamentary authority. The Constitution of 2 April 1997 reduced the role and importance of regulations with the force of law, reducing the possibility of their issuance by the President only for exceptional circumstances relating to the imposition of martial law and the inability to act of the Sejm. Because of the perceived need to rationalize more and more Polish law-making, it is appropriate to consider the possibility of widening the scope of application of the Regulations with the force of law in the Polish constitutional order, by granting the government the power to issue them under parliamentary authority, so that the formula adjusted relative to solutions that She received Small Constitution of 1992.

  • Prokuratura a Rada Ministrów (na marginesie oceny sprawozdania prokuratora generalnego przez prezesa Rady Ministrów)

    Author: Halina Zięba-Załucka
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    Year of publication: 2014
    Source: Show
    Pages: 195-211
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2014.03.09
    PDF: ppk/19/ppk1909.pdf

    The time of the prosecutor’s office functioning within the new political system allowed for determination of deficiencies in terms of legal regulations and correction of the legal instruments of the prosecutor’s office operation. Present legal regulations give the autonomy to the Public Prosecutor General, which is expressed in the fact that the prosecutor’s office is not subordinate to any other state authority. However, placement within the state authorities’ structures does not involve breaking up the institutional bonds between the Public Prosecutor General and other public authorities, especially with the Council of Ministers and the Minister of Justice. Pursuant to the idea of separation of powers in the democratic state of law, apart from the principle of competences distribution, the principle of public authorities’ co-operation is underlined. In the context of the activity of the Public Prosecutor General and yearly report which is submitted by him to the Council of Ministers the author presents the dilemmas which result from the situation. She indicates which direction the changes shall go with reference to it, in the new act on the prosecutor’s office right which is under preparation by the government. The main objective of the new bill is to allow for the parliamentary, yearly debate over the prosecutor’s office activity and introduction of institutional solutions which would allow for good co-operation of the Council of Ministers with the Public Prosecutor General, what does not always happen. The author thinks that the act does not specify any deadline in which the President of the Council of Ministers has to evaluate the report. Such a state of uncertainty is a major threat for the prosecutor’s office functioning. It may have a negative impact on the act of undertaking organizational and functional changes which improve the work of the prosecutor’s office, while the Public Prosecutor General being afraid of the prime minister’s decision may avoid public speaking in important issues. This is why the prime minister shall be bound with the specified deadline for giving the decision. Additionally, the President of the Council of Ministers may apply to the Seym with the motion to recall the Public Prosecutor General before the end of the period which he was appointed for. The article indicates then issues that have to be changed in the new act in order to assure the efficient functioning of the prosecutor’s office.

  • Kompetencje i zadania Prezesa Rady Ministrów i Rady Ministrów w ramach polityki bezpieczeństwa

    Author: Adam Sokołowski
    Institution: Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego w Bydgoszczy
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 209-231
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201611
    PDF: siip/15/siip1511.pdf

    Competences and tasks of the Prime Minister and the government within security policy

    In the article the author has analyzed the public administration competent for security policy, centered under the aegis of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers itself. By reviewing the most important legal acts, and based on texts were included the competences and tasks of the institutions established to protect the life and health of citizens of the Republic of Poland, during the time of warand peace. Leaning at scientific journals author described the main functions of institutions that support government and the prime minister in the security policy. By making analysis and based on the descriptions, author reveals changes in the process of creating of institutions protecting internal and external security together under the umbrella of government activity as executive power.

  • Rząd w rozwiązaniach ustrojowych Polski, Czech i Słowacji

    Author: Łukasz Siedlik
    E-mail: lukaszsiedlik@onet.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Jagielloński w Krakowie
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0381-1701
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 73-90
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2019.04.04
    PDF: ppk/50/ppk5004.pdf

    The article deals with the issue of government in Central and Eastern Europe, understood as one of the executive branch entities, appointed by the representative body, on the example of three countries, the Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia. These countries are joined by a common, difficult history, a system of government adopted after 1989, mutual neighborhood, convergent interests. The executive model functioning in these countries sets Poland, the Czech Republic and Slovakia in the group of states with a parliamentary- cabinet system of government. In addition to the president elected in direct elections, there is a collegial body-government headed by the prime minister. The government with the prime minister is de facto the subject with the greatest resource of power and a fundamental influence on the country’s policy, both in the national and foreign dimensions.

  • The Rights and Duties of a Minister – Member of the Council of Ministers

    Author: Joanna Juchniewicz
    E-mail: joanna.juchniewicz@uwm.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7837-0963
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 59-69
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2019.05.04
    PDF: ppk/51/ppk5104.pdf

    The Constitution provides the possibility of appointing the ministers in two categories – ministers in charge of the government administration department and ministers per- forming tasks assigned by the President of the Council of Ministers. The conditions for holding the office define the rights and duties of a minister. While analyzing them, it is necessary to highlight those resulting from the fact that ministers are members of the collective executive body as well as those related to the exercise of office. The status of “departmental” ministers and that of ministers without portfolio are equivalent with- in the cabinet. The Act on the Council of Ministers does not define separate rights, does not impose separate obligations resulting from membership in the Council of Ministers, and the obligations toward the Sejm and its bodies remain the same.

  • Prawnoustrojowe aspekty statusu krajowych organów regulacyjnych w sektorach infrastrukturalnych

    Author: Marcin Grzybowski
    E-mail: marcin.grzybowski@uek.krakow.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Ekonomiczny w Krakowie
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1905-8942
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 217-230
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2021.03.14
    PDF: ppk/61/ppk6114.pdf

    Legislative Aspects of the NRAs’ Status in the Infrastucture Sectors

    Ownership and structural changes in the infrastructural sectors of the Polish economy in the last three decades, while maintaining the public interest (art. 22 of the Constitution) and the implementation of the “social” market economy principle (art. 20) of the state’s influence on these sectors, justify the need for a legal and constitutional reflection on the status of activities of regulatory bodies in these sectors. The accession to the European Union has placed said activities on the path of the Union’s integration policies, aimed at “horizontal” integration of the infra-structural sectors of the EU member states. A typical and most commonly used legal tool for implementing EU integration undertakings are sectoral directives of the European Parliament and the Council. The Polish regulatory authorities with their postulated attributes of independence, professionalism and objectivity, have found themselves in the field where two routes of the addressed impacts cross: the EU sectoral integration route and the route of implementation of national policy toward infrastructure sectors (steaming from the Polish Council of Ministers and from relevant ministries). The author, identifying the elements of such use, points out the constitutional and legal uncertainties (even: dilemmas) in regard to the relationship between the Council of Ministers (and the Prime Minister)/relevant ministries and the state sectoral regulatory bodies.

  • Znaczenie Rady Gabinetowej w okresie politycznej jedności dwóch podmiotów egzekutywy oraz w warunkach koabitacji

    Author: Łukasz Wielgosz
    Institution: Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 200-215
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2021.69.12
    PDF: apsp/69/apsp6912.pdf

    Przedmiotem artykułu jest jedna z instytucjonalnych form kooperacji dwóch podmiotów dualnej egzekutywy w Polsce, czyli instytucja Rady Gabinetowej. Jak stanowi Konstytucja, tworzy ją Rada Ministrów pod przewodnictwem Prezydenta RP. Ustrojodawca wyposażył tym samym głowę państwa w możliwość zwołania spotkania z rządem, który musi stawić się na zaproszenie Prezydenta. Co prawda temu organowi nie przysługują kompetencje Rady Ministrów, jednak można odnieść wrażenie, że rozmowa głowy państwa z rządem to dobra sposobność do wygaszania wzajemnych sporów oraz okazja do rozmowy dwóch politycznych graczy o przyszłości Polski. Czy to wrażenie ma pokrycie w rzeczywistości? Jak wyglądają obrady, co jest ich tematyką i kto im przewodniczy? Jaki może być realny cel obrad? Jakie funkcje może spełniać Rada Gabinetowa w warunkach koabitacji, a jakie przy politycznej jedności obu podmiotów egzekutywy? Celem artykułu jest przede wszystkim znalezienie odpowiedzi na tak postawione pytania.

  • W poszukiwaniu optymalnego modelu Rady Ministrów – 100 lat doświadczeń

    Author: Joanna Juchniewicz
    E-mail: joanna.juchniewicz@uwm.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7837-0963
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 57-73
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2021.04.03
    PDF: ppk/62/ppk6203.pdf

    In search of an optimal model of the Council of Ministers – a hundred years of experience

    Since Poland regained independence in 1918, there have been several constitutional acts in force (constitutions and the so-called “small constitutions”). Each of them contained provisions defining the scope of government activity, its structure, the mechanisms of appointing and dismissing cabinet members, as well as the principles of accountability. The paper outlines the way in which these issues have been developing over the past 100 years and to what extent the current solutions constitute the continuation of the solutions of the Constitution of 17 March 1921.

  • Polityka zagraniczna Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej. Rozważania na tle konstytucji marcowej oraz konstytucji z 1997 roku

    Author: Artur Trubalski
    E-mail: atrubalski@ur.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8020-9178
    Author: Justyna Trubalska
    E-mail: justyna.trubalska@poczta.umcs.lublin.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6508-0580
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 213-224
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2021.04.11
    PDF: ppk/62/ppk6211.pdf

    Foreign policy of the Republic of Poland. Considerations in the context of the March constitution and the constitution of 1997

    The aim of the study is to analyze the constitutional solutions concerning the conduct of foreign policy by the Republic of Poland. The areas of consideration will include solutions that functioned under the rule of the March constitution, as well as solutions that were enshrined in the binding constitution of 1997. The analysis of the current solutions will also include issues related to European policy. The aim of the article is to present and compare the solutions contained in the March constitution and the constitution of 1997. The solutions functioning under each of the analyzed constitutions assume the primacy of one of the executive authorities in the field of conducting the state’s foreign policy. The analysis of individual solutions in this respect leads to the conclusion that the burden of conducting foreign policy by the president under the March constitution was transferred under the 1997 constitution to the Council of Ministers and the Prime Minister.

  • Kilka uwag na temat rekonstrukcji rządu w Polsce

    Author: Marek Woźnicki
    E-mail: marek.kamil.woznicki@gmail.com
    Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7010-134X
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 335-346
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2021.04.21
    PDF: ppk/62/ppk6221.pdf

    Some remarks about the Cabinet reconstrucion in Poland

    The article provides the analysis of the current regulations about changing the organisation and composition of the Council of Ministers (Cabinet) in Poland. In light of the Constitution of Poland of 1997, the Prime Minister is responsible for the composition and overall organisation of the Cabinet and the allocation of functions between ministers according to the Branches of Government Administration Bill. In addition, the head of government has a certain margin of discretion in delivering the Cabinet reconstructions and the Machinery of Government changes. The Sejm plays a small role in this matter, however the consent of the parliament is necessary to change the Branches of Government Administration Bill.

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