Republic of Poland

  • Presidents of the Third Republic of Poland. Styles of Exercising Power

    Author: Agnieszka Kasińska–Metryka
    Institution: Jan Kochanowski University in Kielce (Poland)
    Year of publication: 2005
    Source: Show
    Pages: 23-30
    DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2005002
    PDF: ppsy/34/ppsy2005002.pdf

    The notion of ‘style’ with reference to power is inherently vague and non-existent in the research terminology of social science. On the other hand though, it is difficult to find a more adequate expression to describe a peculiar, individual way of making use of powers deriving not so much from systematic adjustments as from the personality of a leader. Political power does not simply come down to a simple mechanism of giving and executing orders. It is a sort of performance demanding appropriate requisites lights, prestige and actors. As Herman suitably states: authority by its very nature seeks obedience and enhances prestige. Adopting a common view that each leader is a product of his own age, the personality of a president, therefore, incorporates both individual features and a shared experience of his generation. Considering the ways of realization the presidential power in Poland after 1989 it should be referred not only to its institutional or political aspects but also to historical and cultural background as factors co-determining this peculiar model of leadership.

  • Stosunki Gruzji z Europą Zachodnią i państwem polsko-litewskim

    Author: Piotr Prokopiuk
    E-mail: bolshoiboozepiotr@onet.eu
    Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 56-70
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/hso170403
    PDF: hso/15/hso1503.pdf

    The article presents the history of contacts between Georgia and Western Europe as well as Georgia and the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth between the mid-15th and the end of the 18th centuries. In the article, the role of the Georgian diplomatic missions is emphasized in the process of forging anti-Osman coalitions.

  • Turkey’s View of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s Visit to Poland in 2017. Prospects and Conclusions

    Author: Joanna Marszałek-Kawa
    Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University
    Author: Ahmet Burak
    Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 500-513
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2019308
    PDF: ppsy/48-3/ppsy2019308.pdf

    On October 17, 2017, President of Turkey Recep Tayyip Erdoğan paid an official visit to Warsaw upon the invitation of the President of the Republic of Poland Andrzej Duda. The main subject of the talks was political, economic and cultural cooperation. Issues of security were also addressed. President Erdoğan had last visited Warsaw during the NATO summit on July 8–9, 2016. During the meeting in October, the two presidents signed five bilateral agreements. This paper provides an analysis of the effects of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s visit and prospects regarding the development of friendly relations between Poland and Turkey from Ankara’s perspective. In the paper we applied the test analysis method, the historical method and the institutional and legal one. We pose a thesis that the aim of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s visit was to identify mutual relations in the economic, political and cultural dimension. According to the Turkish government, these relations are beneficial for both sides. What should be particularly important for Poland is the prospect of opening new cooperation opportunities in the economic sphere. Turkey, in turn, apart from defining the broad framework of business cooperation, is undoubtedly determined to find a partner which could be its ally in the European Union.

  • Evolution of the Constitutional Organ on the Example of the Polish National Assembly

    Author: Radosław Grabowski
    E-mail: rgrabowski@ur.edu.pl
    Institution: College of Social Sciences University of Rzeszow
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3362-7363
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 75-86
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.05.05
    PDF: ppk/57/ppk5705.pdf

    The Polish National Assembly is a constitutional governing body, endowed with unique powers that cannot be exercised by any other body. However, the status of the Assembly as a separate state organ raises doubts. Since the restoration of the Assembly, its position in the system has changed significantly, which was related to the multiple modification of the competences of this organ. The evolution of this organ in 1989-2020 allows treating it as an interesting research case. Especially since the competences of the National Assembly are crucial for ensuring the continuity of state power.

  • Bezpieczeństwo II Rzeczpospolitej – oceny. 1 wrzesień 1939 r. – „niespodziewana” wojna z III Rzeszą i „zaskoczenie” agresją (17) Związku Sowieckiego

    Author: Aleksander Woźny
    Institution: Polskie Towarzystwo Historyczne, Oddział Opole
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 27-83
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/acno2020102
    PDF: acno/9/acno202002.pdf

    The security of the II Republic – assessments 1 September 1939 – „unexpected” war with the III Reich and the „surprise” of the 17 September aggression by the Soviet Union

    The Wehrmacht (German armed forces) attacked Poland without declaration of war on 1 September 1939, on the orders of the leader of the III Reich. Then, on 17 September, the Red Army forced the borders of the Polish II Republic. The title of the article reflects what Polish historiography will forever struggle with – whether the aggression by its western neighbour was “unexpected” and whether we can consider the invasion from its eastern neighbour a “surprise”. Above all, the question is whether the military (General Staff; military intelligence) and political leadership (Foreign Ministry) of the state foresaw beforehand the possibility of rift in Polish-German relations and the renewal of a German-Soviet alliance/pact (cooperation), which in consequence brought about undeclared war with Poland’s eastern neighbour. The presented article is in sections and presented in chronological order.

  • Od Mikołaja Kozakiewicza do Macieja Płażyńskiego. Szkice do portretu Marszałków Sejmu w latach 1989–2011

    Author: Marek Białokur
    Institution: Instytut Historii, Uniwersytet Opolski
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 163-207
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/acno2020106
    PDF: acno/9/acno202006.pdf

    From Mikołaj Kozakiewicz to Maciej Płażyński. Sketches for the portrait of the Marshals of the Sejm in 1989–2011

    The aim of the article is to present the biographies of the first five marshals of Polish parliaments in 1989–2011. The Marshals of the Sejm presented in short biographical sketches are figures who played an important role in Polish politics. Among them were politicians from various political groups. Two activists associated with the Polish people’s movement (Mikołaj Kozakiewicz and Józef Zych), one socialist from the former post-communist camp (Józef Oleksy) and two with a beautiful card in the anti-communist opposition and strongly associated with the Catholic Church (Wiesław Chrzanowksi and Maciej Płażyński). The Marshal of the Sejm is the speaker of the Sejm, the lower house of the Polish parliament. The office traces its origins to the 15th century. In modern Poland, the full title is Marshal of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland. Today the Marshal of the Sejm is the chairman of the Presidium of the Sejm and the Convention of Seniors. The Marshal oversees the work of the Sejm, supervises procedural sessions of the Sejm, and convenes and chairs the proceedings of the Convention of Seniors and the Presidium of the Sejm. Since 1989 substitutes for the President of Poland in the event of that office’s vacancy.

  • On revocation of the lawyer’s monopoly through introducing the professional institution of legal advisers

    Author: Dmytro Riabov
    E-mail: riabov.d@donnu.edu.ua
    Institution: Vasyl Stus Donetsk National University
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3864-4859
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 155-166
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop2021309
    PDF: rop/17/rop1709.pdf

    The article studies the legal nature of the introduction of the lawyer’s monopoly in Ukraine. The author notes the introduction of the lawyer’s monopoly in Ukraine had to take four steps. However, at the last stage of the introduction of the lawyer’s monopoly, the legislator amended the procedural codes regulating the course of civil, commercial, and administrative proceedings. With these changes, the legislator expanded the concept “self-representation” by substituting the concept of “representation”. In addition, the legislator brought in a draftto revoke the lawyer’s monopoly which was approved by the Constitutional Court of Ukraine. The scientist states that the relevant strategy of abolishing the lawyer’s monopoly is not a positive phenomenon. The introduction of court representation of citizens, business entities, state bodies, central and local authorities by a professional institute of advocacy is an upside in reforming the Ukrainian legal system. However, according to the author, the profession of a lawyer is primarily aimed at providing defense in criminal proceedings or when bringing to administrative responsibility or considering a case of an administrative offense. At the same time, the scientist marks that the reversion to the previous wording of Article 131-2 of the Constitution of Ukraine is inadmissible since the provision of legal services in Ukraine should be carried out professionally. After analyzing the legislation of the Republic of Poland, the author has concluded that lawyers and legal advisers, who carry out practical legal activities on a professional basis and permits, provide the public with legal aid. However, the only difference between a lawyer and a legal adviser in the Republic of Poland is that the latter cannot provide legal assistance in criminal proceedings, unlike a lawyer. Therefore, to create a professional and competitive market of legal services in Ukraine, the researcher proposes to borrow the experience of the Republic of Poland and introduce a professional institute of legal advisers in Ukraine, as this profession is legally identified in Ukraine.

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