Sejm

  • Comparing Human Rights in Europe and Oceania

    Author: Joanna Siekiera
    E-mail: joanna.axe@gmail.com
    Institution: Warsaw School of Economics (Poland), Victoria University in Wellington (New Zealand)
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 337-340
    DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2017122
    PDF: ppsy/46-1/2017122.pdf

    The 9th International Conference of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland Systems of Protection of Human Rights in Europe and in Australia & Oceania. Warsaw, (April 24-25, 2017), Jan Kochanowski University in Kielce and the Polish Parliamentary Association. 

  • Czy Siciński działał sam? Nowe spojrzenie na przyczyny zerwania sejmu 1652 r.

    Author: Michał Zbigniew Dankowski
    E-mail: m.dankowski@vp.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Gdański
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 189-205
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.01.10
    PDF: ppk/41/ppk4110.pdf

    More than half a century ago, it has been proven that the author of the first practical application of the liberum veto institution was Władysław Siciński during the Winter Sejm of 1652. The opinion presented by the senior Polish parliamentarian researcher of the mid-17th century, Ludwik Kubala, about the reasons of the breakdown of the discussed Sejm has been fixed. It was pointed out to Janusz Radziwiłł’s activity, which was to use Siciński for his own political games. For over a hundred years, the position presented by Kubala has not been challenged, even though it does not have sufficient reasoning in the sources. It can not be ruled out that the current hypothesis is correct, but it is also necessary to look at other possible reasons for the precedential application of the liberum veto institution.

  • O potrzebie przywrócenia sądu honorowego i wprowadzenia przeprosin poselskich i senatorskich do polskiego prawa parlamentarnego

    Author: Marcin M. Wiszowaty
    E-mail: mwiszowaty@konstytuty.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Gdański
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 101-125
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.05.07
    PDF: ppk/39/ppk3907.pdf

    There is no universal regulatory model of parliamentary ethics. The issues of parliamentary ethics are regulated in various countries by acts of varying degrees, usually statutes and parliamentary standing orders. There are countries where redress for abusive conduct of MPs is subject to general rules such as civil liability. Law in other states provides specific sanctions and means of redress for breach of ethics. Traditional forms of redress, referring to the rules of honor procedure of knighthood and nobility, include various forms of apology: personal, written, in mass media, and a particularly interesting type of apologies – to the whole parliament (chambers) as an offended “person”. The inter-war history of the Polish parliament provides an interesting example of an honorary court institution that dealt with cases of offence of one member by the other and the marshal’s court – gathering in case of the violation of the honor of a member by a non-parliamentarian. The honorary court survived until the first years of the communist period. Since 1997, there has been a parliamentary commission in the Polish Parliament, whose mode of operation and system of sanctions’ apply – does not meet its task. The aim of this article is to propose innovative and restorative changes in the area of the subject matter in Poland -- first of all – the restoration of court of Honour and the introduction of an apology from MPs and Senators for breach of ethics.

  • Indywidualna odpowiedzialność polityczna ministra w praktyce ustrojowej na gruncie Konstytucji RP z 2 kwietnia 1997 r.

    Author: Marek Woźnicki
    E-mail: marek.kamil.woznicki@gmail.com
    Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 97-119
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.02.06
    PDF: ppk/42/ppk4206.pdf

    According to the Constitution of Poland from 2nd April 1997, a cabinet minister is political responsible for the political direction of his office to the Sejm and to the Prime Minister. The main goal of this paper is to show, that in practice, the political responsibility of the ministers before the Sejm is illusory. The majority of the vote required to adopt a motion of no confidence is so high that its vote is only possible in exceptional circumstances. Since 1997, no motion of no confidence have been successful, so the Sejm has never succeeded in enforcing the resignation of a minister. That is why, only the political responsibility of the minister before the Prime Minister has a real meaning. The head of government can lead to the dismissal of each minister at any time. When deciding to file an application to dismiss a minister, the Prime Minister must take into account only whether such a decision does not endanger the political support of the majority of the Sejm.

  • Sejm cztery lata po przyjęciu Traktatu z Lizbony – rozwiązania prawne i praktyka parlamentarna

    Author: Magdalena Kupis
    Institution: Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach
    Year of publication: 2014
    Source: Show
    Pages: 93-123
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2014.01.05
    PDF: ppk/17/ppk1705.pdf

    The article attempts to give a comprehensive analysis of the legal and parliamentary practice in Poland, made after four years from the adoption of the Treaty of Lisbon. The special focus is given to three issues: regulations of the so-called cooperation law, regulations of the Rules of Procedure of the Sejm for the Committee of the European Union and the practical aspects of proceedings of the EU legislative proposals in the Sejm. The starting point of the above analysis is protocol on the application of the principles of subsidiarity and proportionality, introduced by the Treaty of Lisbon, which impose on the EU institutions to directly inform national parliaments of the content of EU legislative proposals for which is provided to express an opinion. Therefore, the Lisbon’s Treaty confers on Polish parliament the power having the nature of a veto in relation to decision reducing sovereign rights of Poland as the one of the member states. However, the present role of the Sejm in the functioning of the EU depends on its ability to exert a real influence on the European policy conducting by the government, which is related with a possibility of concluding the political consensus on the national level. The author suggests that for supervision of the EU’s principles of subsidiarity and proportionality, not only greater activeness of Polish parliament, but also providing mechanisms for the enforcement of the members of the Council of Ministers of the political responsibility for their actions in the EU institutions, is required. Otherwise, the solutions adopted in the Treaty of Lisbon will not affect on the existing European policy way in Poland, which leads government.

  • Refleksje nad polskim modelem parlamentaryzmu

    Author: Radosław Grabowski
    E-mail: drgrabowski@wp.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 49-59
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.05.03
    PDF: ppk/45/ppk4503.pdf

    System polityczny każdego państwa podlega nieustannym zmianom. Faktyczna pozycja organów państwa może w związku z tym odbiegać od pozycji prawnej, opisanej w konstytucji. Analiza ma na celu stwierdzenie, czy w przypadku izby pierwszej polskiego parlamentu mamy do czynienia z takim zjawiskiem. W tym celu zostają wskazane przypadki, w których Sejm przekracza swoje kompetencje lub nadużywa swojej pozycji ustrojowej. Badania skupiają się na trzech funkcja realizowanych przez polski parlament: ustawodawczej, kontrolnej oraz kreacyjnej. Na tej podstawie zostają sformułowane wnioski końcowe, dotyczące Sejmu, parlamentaryzmu w Polsce, prawa zmieniającego się pod wpływem praktyki politycznej, a także postaw badawczych pozwalających trafnie oceniać zachodzące procesy.

  • Procedura ustalania porządku dziennego posiedzeń Sejmu RP

    Author: Grzegorz Pastuszko
    E-mail: grzegorz.pastuszko@op.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 123-145
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.05.08
    PDF: ppk/45/ppk4508.pdf

    W artykule zostało poruszone zagadnienie procedury ustalania porządku posiedzeń pierwszej izby polskiego parlamentu – Sejmu. Składa się on z pięciu części: 1) tła historycznego, 2) ogólnego spojrzenia na przyjęte rozwiązania, 3) analizy regulacji normatywnych, 4) krytycznej oceny założeń leżących u podstaw obowiązujących unormowań, 5) propozycji zmian de lege ferenda obecnego modelu procedury ustalania porządku posiedzeń Sejmu. Jak wynika z powyższego wyliczenia, rozważania zawarte w artykule nie ograniczają się do przedstawienia obowiązujących uregulowań, ale idą znacznie dalej, koncentrując się na wyeksponowaniu ich zalet i wad, a jednocześnie przedstawiając możliwości oraz kierunki ewentualnych reform. Dostrzegając potrzebę wprowadzenia tych ostatnich, autor artykułu powołuje się w tym zakresie na zgłaszane już w przeszłości projekty zmian regulaminu mające na celu nowelizację istniejących rozwiązań. Jego zdaniem, zawarte nich rozwiązania mogłyby przyczynić się do nadania sposobowi działania Sejmu bardziej pluralistycznego charakteru i zarazem „zdjęcia” zeń wizerunku organu poddanego presji ugrupowań rządzących.

  • Kilka uwag na temat warunków formalnych wniosku o wyrażenie wotum nieufności ministrowi

    Author: Marek Woźnicki
    E-mail: marek.kamil.woznicki@ gmail.com
    Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 161-185
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.05.10
    PDF: ppk/45/ppk4510.pdf

    W świetle Konstytucji RP z 2 kwietnia 1997 r., minister ponosi indywidualną odpowiedzialność polityczną przed Sejmem oraz przed Prezesem Rady Ministrów. Sejm posiada prawo do doprowadzenia do dymisji każdego ministra poprzez uchwalenie wotum nieufności. Głównym celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie warunków formalnych wniosku o wyrażenie indywidualnego wotum nieufności oraz odpowiedź na pytania: jakie są przyczyny składania tego typu wniosków oraz kiedy posłowie mają prawo zażądać dymisji ministra. W artykule przedstawiono wyniki analizy wniosków o wyrażenie wotum nieufności ministrom z lat 1997–2015.

  • Kilka pytań o absolutorium

    Author: Joanna Juchniewicz
    Institution: Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski
    Year of publication: 2014
    Source: Show
    Pages: 143-154
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2014.02.10
    PDF: ppk/18/ppk1810.pdf

    The institution of discharge is one of numerous instruments available to the Sejm in order to exercise the control function regarding the activities of the Council of Ministers. It is an institution with historic lineage, whose origins are closely connected with the formation of the parliamentary system on the Polish soil. The importance of the discharge and the control process associated with it is noticeable in its regularity, repeatability, but also in that it enables detection of irregularities. Conclusions drawn from this fact may lead to the elimination of such irregularities in the future budget legislation. However, the analysis of solutions devoted to the institution of discharge conducted in the normative plane and by means of the parliamentary practice assessment indicates deficiencies and the encumbrance of this institution, such as the excessive politicization of control procedures, as well as lack of clear consequences arising from resolution through which the Sejm can refuse to grant the Council of Ministers the discharge.

  • Around the Issue of Convening Meetings of the Sejm

    Author: Grzegorz Pastuszko
    E-mail: grzegorz.pastuszko@onet.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1494-6409
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 83-95
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2019.05.06
    PDF: ppk/51/ppk5106.pdf

    This article provides an analysis of selected problems regarding the mechanism for con- vening sessions of the Sejm by its Marshal. The author criticizes the adopted legal solu- tions, first of all paying attention to the excessive strengthening of the role of the chair- man of the first chamber of parliament in this respect. In his opinion, doubts must be raised by the fact that under the regulations, the right to convene meetings of the Sejm has got only the Marshal, whereas such entities such like parliamentary factions, as well as the President and the government, are formally deprived of it. In addition, he also shows the dilemmas that may arise in the course of applying those provisions in systemic practice. M. in here, he indicates the problem of setting dates of a sitting of the Sejm, in- viting guests and the situation when a sitting cannot be convened for objective reasons.

  • “Legislative Veto” of Senate – The Controversial Element of the Legislative Procedure Under the Rules of the Constitution of Republic of Poland of 1921

    Author: Tomasz Litwin
    E-mail: tomasz.litwin@gmail.com
    Institution: Akademia Ignatianum w Krakowie
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6956-6959
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 39-51
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2019.06.03
    PDF: ppk/52/ppk5203.pdf

    The Polish Constitution from 1921 established the bicameral model of the parliament composed of Sejm and Senate. The Article 35 para. 2 of the Constitution clearly sanc- tioned the right of the Senate to reject the whole draft of the bill adopted by the Sejm. However, neither this rule nor any other rule of the Constitution precised the conse- quences of such practice. This loophole in the constitutional rules caused controver- sies among constitutional law experts from that time and remains controversial even at present. The main aim of the article written within the constitutional-legal perspective is to present the position of the most prominent legal experts and the position of the au- thor on the analyzed issue.

  • System of the Standing Committees of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland – Introductory Remarks

    Author: Joanna Juchniewicz
    E-mail: joanna.juchniewicz@uwm.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7837-0963
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 53-61
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2019.06.04
    PDF: ppk/52/ppk5204.pdf

    Sejm committees are internal, collegiate bodies of the Sejm, the establishment of which is required by the Basic Law. The regulations in force, which set the number of standing parliamentary committees (29), allow to state that we are currently dealing with a com- plex structure. Standing committees are formed to consider and prepare cases which are the subject of the Sejm’s work, to express opinions in laws delegated to the Sejm, the Marshal of the Sejm or the Presidium of the Sejm, as well as to perform control tasks. The spheres of activity of Sejm committees are analyzed in the broader context of legis- lative, control or creative functions.

  • Prace Komisji Samorządu Terytorialnego i Polityki Regionalnej Sejmu VIII kadencji (2015–2019)

    Author: Jacek Sobczak
    E-mail: sobczak.lublin@wp.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4014-8443
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 105-117
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.01.06
    PDF: ppk/53/ppk5306.pdf

    Parliament and self-government have become a foundation of the modern democratic state. In order to achieve to proper significance of the self-government in the works of the Parliament it is crucial to establish institutional guarantees in its organisation. Commission on Local Self-government and Regional Policy is one of the most fundamental instutional guarantees of representing the intrests of local self-government in Polish Parliament which is confirmed by its practice. That is why it is necessary to study its activity. An analysis of the Commission’s tasks performed in accordance with its statute provides the basis for assessing the activities of the Commission during the eighth term of office of the Parliament (2015–2019).

  • Samorząd zawodowy a Sejm w Republice Litewskiej

    Author: Agnė Juškevičiūtė-Vilienė
    E-mail: Juskeviciute_agne@yahoo.com
    Institution: Uniwersytet Wileński
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0295-054X
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 119-130
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.01.07
    PDF: ppk/53/ppk5307.pdf

    The basics of professional self-regulation are not enshrined in the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania, in ordinary law and legal doctrine, this professional self-regulation institution was determined thanks to the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Lithuania. One foprofessional self-regulation is the Lithuanian Bar Association, which is discussed in more detail in this paper. The subject of the analysis are the features of the legal status of the Bar Association in Lithuanian law and legal doctrine and its practical impact on legislative processes.

  • Comments on the Amendment of The Standing Orders of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland Dated 26 March 2020

    Author: Joanna Juchniewicz
    E-mail: joanna.juchniewicz@uwm.edu.pl
    Institution: University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7837-0963
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 87-98
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.05.06
    PDF: ppk/57/ppk5706.pdf

    On 26 March 2020, by a resolution adopted on 26 March 2020, the Standing Orders of the Sejm of the Republic of Poland were amended to allow the sessions to be conducted using electronic means of remote communication. These amendments raise serious reservations as to their constitutionality. This is due to the fact that the Constitution of 1997 stipulates that the Sejm and Senate shall meet at sessions, while the meeting, being a concept that has been defined, is defined as the assembly of MPs in one place in order to consider the matter under discussion. In addition, as parliamentary practice has demonstrated, the changes introduced have generated a number of problems related to Deputies’ attendance at such remote sessions, participation in debates and casting votes. As a consequence, this may lead to weakening of the legitimacy of the work of the Chamber and a reduction in the capacity to exercise the mandate.

  • Resumption of Voting in the Sejm - A Few Remarks

    Author: Grzegorz Pastuszko
    E-mail: gpastuszko@ur.edu.pl
    Institution: University of Rzeszow
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1494-6409
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 127-137
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.06.09
    PDF: ppk/58/ppk5809.pdf

    The article is entirely devoted to the issue of adopting the resumption of voting in the Sejm of the Republic of Poland. It concerns all the aspects of this institution, starting with genesis, through its systemic ratio legis, and ending with the material premises and the procedural mechanism of its application. The main goal is to analyze the normative content of the legal solutions in force in this area and, at the same time, to present selected experiences of political system practice. Focusing on these elements, the author answers the question of necessity of establishing the Article 189 of the Standing Orders of the Sejm, as well as the limits of using the institution of resumption in parliamentary practice. These efforts are accompanied by in-depth reflection on what should be changed in the content of the mentioned provision in order to make resumption an even more effective tool for verifying parliamentary votes.

  • Posłowie debiutanci w Sejmie VII, VIII i IX kadencji. Przyczynek do analizy zjawiska wymiany partyjnych elit

    Author: Arkadiusz Lewandowski
    E-mail: a.lewandowski@ukw.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Kazimierza Wielkiego
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8161-2257
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 79-99
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/siip202004
    PDF: siip/19/siip1904.pdf

    Debut Members of Parliament in the Sejm of 7th, 8th and 9th term. The contribution for the analysis of the phenomenon of the party circulation of elite

    Parliamentary representation of political parties is nowadays becoming an important field of activity of every grouping. Members of Parliament, following the standards of party charters, become an element of party elite, holding the official positions in collegiate organs. Personal changes in the parliament then mean changes in the party elite. The goal of the article is defining the scale of the phenomenon of debut Members of Parliament in the years of 2011, 2015 and 2019. The research question which the author was faced with is the question about the scale of the phenomenon of debut Members of Parliament and its consequences for the demographic structure of the Polish Sejm and the particular party representations in the parliament, defined as party elites. Detailed questions concern: the importance of parliamentary representatives in contemporary political groupings; defining whether the scale of the phenomenon in 2015 was significantly different from the election results from 2011 and 2019. The established hypotheses assume that: the important of parliamentary representation in contemporary parties is on a constant growth on the formal level and also within the political praxis, and consequently, Members of Parliament can be called party elites. Another hypothesis assumes that the phenomenon of debut MPs has stood out quantitatively in the analyzed period of time, nevertheless, it has not changed the demographic structure of the parliament dramatically, concerning the other two analyzed terms. The period of the analysis concerns the three parliamentary elections in 2011, 2015 and 2019, which allowed to pick up on the possible tendency of the phenomenon.

  • Stan klęski żywiołowej jako przedmiot aktywności poselskiej w latach 2005–2019

    Author: Karol Piękoś
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 62-76
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2021.70.04
    PDF: apsp/70/apsp7004.pdf

    Konstytucja Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 2 kwietnia 1997 r. stworzyła możliwość wprowadzenia trzech odmiennych stanów nadzwyczajnych w sytuacji szczególnych zagrożeń. Specjalne przepisy dotyczące stanów nadzwyczajnych zostały określone w trzech odrębnych ustawach, które zostały przyjęte w 2002 r. W latach 2005–2019 w Polsce wystąpiły liczne zdarzenia, które media określały jako klęski żywiołowe. Pomimo że regulacje ustawowe obowiązują od 2002 r. (Dz.U. 2002 nr 62 poz. 558), w Trzeciej Rzeczypospolitej nigdy nie wprowadzono stanu nadzwyczajnego. Posłowie w ramach swojej aktywności parlamentarnej kierowali na przestrzeni V, VI, VII i VIII kadencji zapytania i interpelacje w tej sprawie. Analiza aktywności poselskich związanych ze stanem klęski żywiołowej może być pomocna przy próbie identyfikacji sposobu postrzegania tego stanu nadzwyczajnego przez polityków, a to z kolei pozwoli ustalić przyczyny nieposługiwania się tym instrumentem prawnym przez rządzących.

  • Kilka uwag na temat rekonstrukcji rządu w Polsce

    Author: Marek Woźnicki
    E-mail: marek.kamil.woznicki@gmail.com
    Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7010-134X
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 335-346
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2021.04.21
    PDF: ppk/62/ppk6221.pdf

    Some remarks about the Cabinet reconstrucion in Poland

    The article provides the analysis of the current regulations about changing the organisation and composition of the Council of Ministers (Cabinet) in Poland. In light of the Constitution of Poland of 1997, the Prime Minister is responsible for the composition and overall organisation of the Cabinet and the allocation of functions between ministers according to the Branches of Government Administration Bill. In addition, the head of government has a certain margin of discretion in delivering the Cabinet reconstructions and the Machinery of Government changes. The Sejm plays a small role in this matter, however the consent of the parliament is necessary to change the Branches of Government Administration Bill.

Wiadomość do:

 

 

© 2017 Adam Marszałek Publishing House. All rights reserved.

Projekt i wykonanie Pollyart