soft power

  • Miękka siła Chin

    Author: Adam Paweł Olechowski
    Institution: Kolegium Jagiellońskie Toruńska Szkoła Wyższa
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 99-116
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20181706
    PDF: npw/17/npw1706.pdf

    China’s soft power

    The notion of soft power introduced by American political scientist J. S. Nye is becoming increasingly popular not only in science but also in journalism. In short, this term should be understood as the use of ideology, culture and diplomacy to build the international position of a given state. The masters in the application of soft power are generally considered Western states. However, it is forgotten that for many centuries before the West soft power to build its power was successfully used by China. Also today, rebuilding its international power, China is using soft power in its mastery of the world.

  • Civil Society in Sweden as a Factor of Sweden’s Image Attractiveness

    Author: Anna Kobierecka
    Institution: University of Łódź
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 82-95
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2018.59.06
    PDF: apsp/59/apsp5906.pdf

    In recent years, nation branding attracts interest of scholars and academic environment. In the era of globalisation, the need to care for propoer image and perception of a state in international environment becomes even more apparent. Soft power resources are a vital element in creating a strong nation brand. The aim of the article is to verify hipothesis stating that civil society can be perceived as a soft power resource used in building the brand. Therefore, the proposed research is conducted by analysing most significant branding rankings with respect to the positions reached by Sweden, used as a model state with strong civil society.

  • Rozwój chińskiej soft power w Azji Centralnej – szanse i wyzwania

    Author: Marek Borys
    Institution: Akademia Sztuki Wojennej
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 111-129
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20181806
    PDF: npw/18/npw1806.pdf

    The development of Chinese soft power in Central Asia – opportunities and challenges

    The article presents analysis of the development of China’s soft power in Central Asia. Since 2005, China has been trying to promote Chinese language and culture in Central Asia. Institutes of Confucius began to appear in the region. There are currently 13 of them. More and more youth from this region are learning Chinese. They also go to China to study at Chinese universities. Learning Chinese language increases the prospects of professional development and employment for people from the region. However, China still has a long way to achieve a satisfactory level of promoting its culture in the region. There are accusations that Beijing wants to train the Central Asian elites in line with the Chinese model. Central Asian states are, however, particularly sensitive to their cultural heritage. Cultural independence is among the foreign policy priorities of these countries. Beijing should continue to increase efforts to create a positive image in the countries of the region. The new Silk Road is becoming an important element of diplomacy to promote Chinese soft power.

  • Osobliwości wykorzystania «soft power» w Europie

    Author: Olga Pleszkaniowa
    Institution: Kijowski Uniwersytet Narodowy im. T. Szewczenki
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 161-167
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/tpom2018111
    PDF: tpom/27/tpom2711.pdf

    Peculiarities of the soft power policy in Europe

    The aim of this paper is to describe peculiarities of the soft power as a political phenomenon and to provide an overview of its application by European countries. The specific focus of this paper concerns the role of culture as a powerful means of the country’s image promotion throughout the world. Moreover the paper reviews the activities of the European cultural institutions as an crucial element of the soft power policy.

  • Efficiency of the EU Soft Instruments in the Transformation of Eastern Neighbours. The Case of the Ukrainian Crisis

    Author: Beata Piskorska
    Institution: John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin
    Year of publication: 2015
    Source: Show
    Pages: 151–167
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2015.48.11
    PDF: apsp/48/apsp4811.pdf

    The subject of analysis is the assumption that the concept of soft power may be used as a theoretical basis for the interpretation of the EU influence on the less stable regions facing the spread of international conflicts. On the basis of current events and the high degree of instability in the region, it should be stated that such instruments are not efficient when it comes to Russia. In order to prove the above mentioned assumption, one needs to define the nature and specificity of the EU as soft power in the post-Westphalian international order. In the context of the use of such instruments, the analysis will also cover the manifestation of their implementation and efficiency in the EU policy towards Ukrainian crisis. Thus, it is essential to answer a few research questions. Firstly, what is the specificity of the EU in post-Westphalian international order? Secondly, what means does the EU have at its disposal and is it able to achieve its objectives and meet expectations which the international environment has towards it? Lastly, how can we assess the efficiency of the soft power instruments used by the Union in specific region of Eastern Europe, particularly during Ukrainian crisis?

  • Zasada nieingerencji w sprawy wewnętrzne innego kraju oraz jej miejsce w polityce zagranicznej Chińskiej Republiki Ludowej

    Author: Marcin Adamczyk
    Institution: Uniwersytet Wrocławski
    Author: Magdalena Debita
    Institution: Uniwersytet Wrocławski
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 7-32
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2018201
    PDF: so/14/so1401.pdf

    The principle of non-interference in another country internal affairs and its role in People’s Republic of China foreign policy

    This essay is an attempt to elaborate the role of state sovereignty and the resulting principle of non-interference in the law and practice of international relations. Authors undertook an attempt to map out the course of the evolutionary process of changing the perception of these rules and the relationship between the concept of state sovereignty and the principle of non-interference in the light of the most important acts of international law. Authors found a need to answer the question about whether and when interference in another country policy is legally and actually permissible. Moreover the goal of the article is to describe and to explain the role of non-interference principle in China’s foreign policy after year 1949. In order to achieve the stated assumption, authors analyze its historical determinant (dated back to the mid of nineteenth century) and also following, after the end of World War II, process of seeking support in international law, in face of two imperialism, which were adversarial to each other. Authors also consider the reasons for China’s economic success in Africa in the context of the principle of non-interference, to finally move into the issue regarding the evolution of the sovereignty perception and non-interference policy among Chinese decision-makers.

  • Skuteczność stosowania soft power Republiki Korei w Japonii i w Chinach

    Author: Julia Trzcińska
    Institution: Uniwersytet Wrocławski
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 58-73
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2019.61.04
    PDF: apsp/61/apsp6104.pdf

    Tekst jest próbą zwrócenia uwagi na problematykę korzystania z narzędzi miękkiej siły na przykładzie Korei Południowej i zjawiska zwanego Koreańską Falą oraz jego odbioru z państwach sąsiadujących – ChRL i Japonii. Opisując dwa konkretne konflikty z tymi państwami, artykuł stara się znaleźć odpowiedź na pytanie, gdzie są granice korzystania z potencjału soft power oraz jakie skutki negatywne może ono przynieść.

  • Manifestations of Chinese Development Aid and Its Hidden Meanings

    Author: Anna Kobierecka
    Institution: University of Łódź (Poland)
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2492-6452
    Published online: 31 May 2021
    Final submission: 8 February 2021
    Printed issue: December 2021
    Source: Show
    Page no: 15
    Pages: 9-23
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202101
    PDF: ppsy/50/ppsy202101.pdf

    The People’s Republic of China is one of the states focusing intensively on building its soft power and shaping its international image. However, China’s image is still negative and primarily based on stereotypes. In recent years, this country is willing to change such perceptions and present itself as an efficient, intensively developing, capable country that is much more than just a global production plant. The article aims to review China’s different manifestations of development aid regarding changing this type of public diplomacy and its meaning to the Chinese government. Is it only motivated by good intentions, or maybe its goal is to only provide an advantage to China? It is evident that owing to significant development, China needs to expand its economic contacts. However, the tested hypothesis states that behind Chinese development aid, political motivation is hidden as well. The research is based on content analysis of official documents and Foreign Ministry’s statements referring to development aid.

  • Estonia as an Area of Russian Influence: Analysis and Synthesis of the Kremlin’s Methodology of Exerting Influence on Tallinn’s Political and Social Stability

    Author: Jacek Bil
    Institution: Military University of Technology
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9586-528X
    Published online: 30 December 2021
    Final submission: 19 November 2021
    Printed issue: 2022
    Source: Show
    Page no: 12
    Pages: 31-42
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202207
    PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202207_2.pdf

    Russia's hostile actions against the Estonian state structures take the form of soft power, which can be observed in such areas as the activities of the Russian-speaking minority, media coverage, or through the use of coercion when it comes to fuel sales. This article presents qualitative methods of measuring Russian influence on Estonia. An observable trend in international relations is replacing hard power with soft power, commonly used against states within the sphere of interest of certain geopolitical entities. It is more difficult to identify the latter and prove it results from an aggressor's deliberate actions. Information warfare, including disinformation and propaganda, is one of the means Russia uses to exert political influence. By accepting the offer of a political and military alliance with the Western world, the Baltic States have become a threat to the Kremlin's imperialist aspirations. Russia's direct military actions against Estonia and the other Baltic states would have provoked a strong reaction and could even have led to military confrontation. However, the Russian government wishes to avoid it and, for the time being, limits itself to soft power measures.

  • International Higher Education as Foreign Policy: Comparing the Strategies of the EU, China, and Russia Towards Central Asia

    Author: Kerry Anne Longhurst
    Institution: Collegium Civitas (Poland)
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4710-2640
    Author: Agnieszka Nitza-Makowska
    Institution: Collegium Civitas (Poland)
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1677-986X
    Author: Katarzyna Skiert-Andrzejuk
    Institution: Collegium Civitas (Poland)
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4451-5092
    Published online: 15 July 2022
    Final submission: 16 March 2022
    Printed issue: 2022
    Source: Show
    Page no: 13
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202228
    PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202228.pdf

    The article sheds light on the nexus between higher education and foreign policy. International higher education has become an increasingly prominent element of some states’ policies towards other countries as a flank to traditional foreign policy. It has occurred in Central Asia, where the European Union, China and Russia are all supporting teaching, research and capacity-building activities in the tertiary sectors of Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. Although they employ similar tools and instruments, the assumptions and visions underpinning their respective strategies diverge. Russia’s strategy is shaped by historically informed identity factors and the impulse to entrench predominance in the post-Soviet space, whilst China uses its support for higher education as a soft infrastructure for its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Meanwhile, the EU has integrated higher education into its strategy for the region, which aims at drawing Central Asia closer to its orbit through democratisation and the rule of law.

  • The Sources of Russia’s Soft Power in Relation to Belarus

    Author: Ryszard Franciszek Ławniczak
    Institution: Military University of Technology (Poland)
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8085-8618
    Year of publication: 2022
    Source: Show
    Page no: 8
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202229
    PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202229.pdf

    This paper aims to evaluate the sources of Russia’s soft power as a tool which should enable to integrate more closely Belarus with Russia. The research question is the following: what are Russia’s main sources of attractiveness, and what kind of instruments of soft power is the Russian government applying to achieve that aim? To what extent was this soft policy successful? The author applied the qualitative research method. It is inductive and allows the researcher to explore meanings and insights of the notion of “soft power” applied by Russia in its foreign policy toward Belarus. Its basis lies in the interpretive approach to the present reality of Russia – Belarus political and economic relations and in evaluating Russian efforts to integrate its closest neighbour using only non-military means.

  • Italy’s Cultural Diplomacy: From Propaganda to Cultural Cooperation

    Author: Lorenzo Medici
    Institution: University of Perugia
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6973-6639
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 25-46
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/siip201902
    PDF: siip/18/siip1802.pdf

    Cultural diplomacy has always been an important tool in Italian foreign policy. Culture represented a significant resource already in the liberal period and was also widely used by Fascism. During the inter-war period, cultural promotion abroad aimed at spreading the regime’s political-social organizational model. In the second post-war period, cultural resources played a fundamental role in Italian international relations. The democratic government carried out a transition from an essentially propagandistic action, which Fascism implemented especially in the second half of 1930’s, to a cultural diplomacy more attentive to the issues of dialogue and cooperation. The soft power of culture grew in importance. Lacking effective diplomatic tools of a political and economic nature, the new ruling class promoted the nation’s cultural tradition. Although with means and personnel widely used already during the Fascist period, democratic Italy adopted an innovative cultural diplomacy with regard to premises and goals. This policy was apparently low-key and devoid of political themes, but in reality it was aimed at acquiring, in the long run, the friendship and the sympathy of the elites of other countries, so as to bolster political and economic relations. In the framework of a broader course of action, aimed at supporting multilateral diplomacy, the new leaders of post-Fascist Italy also promoted an international cultural cooperation which reversed the previous power politics and the unilateral assertion of Italian culture, but was still careful to defend the nation’s interests. This cooperative dimension was realized above all with the participation in the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO).

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