Syria

  • The American Military Strategy to Combat the ‘Islamic State’ in Iraq and Syria: Assumptions, Tactics and Effectiveness

    The American strategy to combat the ‘Islamic State’ rests on four pillars. The first is to conduct systematic air campaigns against the terrorists. The second involves increasing support for forces fighting the jihadists on the ground. The third is based on the strengthening of international cooperation in counter–terrorism operations. The fourth involves the provision of humanitarian aid to civilians displaced from the territories occupied by the jihadists. This article analyzes the assumptions, tactics, the most important decisions and actions of the American administration to combat the ‘Islamic State’. It is an attempt to provide answers to the questions: why has there been a growth of extremism in the Middle East? Why is the ‘Islamic State’ a new form of terrorist threat? How does it differ from other terrorist organizations? How was the ‘Islamic State’ created? What actions have been taken by the international coalition led by the United States in the fight against the jihadists in the Middle East? Is the strategy taken up by the United States effective? Does the defeat of the ‘Islamic State’ require the involvement of US ground forces in Iraq and Syria?

  • Radzieckie/rosyjskie dostawy broni i uzbrojenia konwencjonalnego do Syrii w latach 1955–2012 – podejście ilościowe

    Gaining by Syria independence from France in 1946 and the rise of the State of Israel supported by Western countries, which from the beginning was in the political and military conflict with the Arab states, created for the Soviet Union the new possibilities of the political game in the Middle East. From 1955 to 1991, USSR became the main supplier of conventional arms to Syria (displacing the United Kingdom). In the years 1955–1991 Syria bought in the Soviet Union arms for $ 34.6 billion in SIPRI trend indicator values , which accounted for 8.04% of the value of the total Soviet arms sales during this period. After the collapse of the USSR cooperation in this regard was continued and throughout the years 1992–2012 Russia remained the main and dominant arms supplier to Syria, though not on this scale as earlier. However, especially the 90s of the twentieth century meant a huge setback in comparison to the previous period – then delivery has been completed of diesel engines for the modernization of tanks ordered in Soviet Union, and 3,000 antitank guided missiles were ordered in Russia. In the years 1992–2012 Russia has sold Syria arms for $ 1.254 billion SIPRI trend indicator values , which accounted for 1.21% of the total sales of Russian arms and weapons of 103.393 billion $.

  • Czy jesteśmy gotowi na wielokulturowość?

    Wojna w Syrii spowodowała w 2015 roku masowe migracje uchodźców do Europy, co zostało potraktowane jako narastający problem, a nie wyzwanie. Polska temu wyzwaniu nie sprostała i nie przyjęła żadnych uchodźców. W tym kontekście warto się zastanowić nad tym, czy Polska w ogóle jest gotowa do funkcjonowania we współczesnym zróżnicowanym świecie. Co można zrobić, by tę gotowość podnieść? Kryzys syryjski zakwestionował także dojrzałość Unii Europejskiej jako wspólnoty społecznej i obnażył fakt, że przyświecająca idei stworzenia Unii motywacja oparta na wspólnocie interesów, jest za słaba dla tworzenia kulturowej jedności1. W dobie kryzysy syryjskiego, okazuje się, że tożsamość europejska jest nadal krucha.

  • The Obama Doctrine and the Use of American Military Power in the Middle East

    This article examines the use of American military power in the Middle East during the presidency of Barack Obama. While some have characterized those responses as confusing, inconsistent, and/or inadequate in number, this study argues that there is a way to understand and explain Obama’s decisions, the “Obama Doctrine”. The article develops and applies the Doctrine to America’s use of force, or not, in Afghanistan, Iraq, Syria, Libya, and elsewhere.

  • Stosunki egipsko-syryjskie po 2011 roku

    Egyptian-Syrian relations after 2011

    Egypt and Syria have been important actors in the Middle East, a region of considerable geostrategic importance. This article analyses relations between the two countries after 2011 in the context of events related to the so-called Arab Spring. The first part of the study describes the common path Egypt and Syria took over the past millennia, which explains the significance of their mutual relations. In the section that follows, the author shows the destructive impact of processes related to the Arab Spring on relations between these countries, most notably the eruption of the Syrian conflict and the takeover of power in Egypt by the Muslim Brotherhood. Next, the article describes the impact of the fall of Islamists in Egypt in 2013. Although since then relations between the two countries have ceased to be hostile, efforts to repair them remain slow. The author argues that the reasons for this delay could be attributed to the pressures exercised by external actors.

  • Polityka Arabii Saudyjskiej i Stanów Zjednoczonych wobec wojny domowej w Syrii – zbieżność czy rozbieżność interesów?

    Politics of Saudi Arabia and the United States against the civil war in Syria – a convergence or divergence of interests?

    The policy of Saudi Arabia and the United States towards Syria since 2011 is full of paradoxes. On the one hand, both countries are in favor of overthrowing the regime of Bashar al-Assad and reducing the influence of Iran and Russia in Syria, but on the other hand there are discrepancies in the approach of Washington and Riyad to the Syrian question, which was particularly visible during the presidency of Barack Obama. The issue of financing the opposition groups fighting in Syria, but most of all the problem of launching land intervention in a war-stricken country was among the contentious issues. The Kingdom, as an advocate of intervention, has repeatedly called on Washington to take more decisive steps to overthrow al-Assad and combat the so-called Islamic State. However, the other problems facing the White House and Riyadh, which affect the solution of the Syrian question, are nowadays a priority in the policies of the United States and Saudi Arabia, in contrast to the war in Syria.

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