system wyborczy

  • Remarks on The System of State Authorities in the Constitution of the Republic of Uzbekistan of 8 December 1992

    Author: Joanna Marszałek-Kawa
    E-mail: kawadj@box43.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 35-57
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2016.06.02
    PDF: ppk/34/ppk3402.pdf

    Celem niniejszego artykułu jest przedstawienie systemu organów państwowych w Republice Uzbekistanu, ukształtowanego zgodnie z przepisami obowiązującego prawa gruntownie znowelizowanego w 2014 r. Postaram się również odpowiedzieć na pytanie, czy wdrażane reformy o charakterze instytucjonalnym oznacza wprowadzenie demokratycznej formy rządów.

  • Instytucja zastępcy posła w chorwackim prawie parlamentarnym

    Author: Konrad Składowski
    E-mail: konradskladowski@wp.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Łódzki
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 127-141
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.05.08
    PDF: ppk/39/ppk3908.pdf

    Croatian parliamentary law predicts institution of assistant of a deputy. Article is sacrificed analysis of this institution and practice in using it. Regulations of the constitution, electoral regulations and rules of the parliament have been analysied. Especially procedure of election deputies and rules of the incompatibilitas parliamentary mandate. Parliamentary practice in Croatia suggest that the most often cause of suspension an election mandate is becoming a minister in the government.

  • Rola korupcji politycznej w procesie rozliczalności wertykalnej na poziomie lokalnym

    Author: Waldemar Wojtasik
    Institution: Uniwersytet Śląski w Katowicach
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 114-127
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2018.58.07
    PDF: apsp/58/apsp5807.pdf

    Korupcja polityczna jest zjawiskiem mogącym wpływać na proces rozliczalności wertykalnej. Jej oddziaływanie jest związane z wpływem na 3 komponenty: informacyjny, ewaluacyjny i administracyjny. Rządzący na poziomie lokalnym mogą osłabiać efekty rozliczalności wertykalnej, wpływając na jej przebieg. W przypadku wystąpienia korupcji politycznej najskuteczniejszym sposobem przeciwdziałania efektywności rozliczalności wertykalnej jest instrumentalne kreowanie komponentu informacyjnego. Odbywa się ono poprzez asymetrię informacyjną i zarządzanie niepewnością komunikacyjną. W przypadku komponentu ewaluacyjnego mechanizm osłabiania rozliczalności zakłada odejście od modelu głosowania ekonomicznego na rzeczy aksjologicznego lub socjotropicznego. Relatywnie najsłabsze możliwości osłabiania procesu rozliczalności wertykalnej występują w przypadku komponentu administracyjnego i odwołują się do intencjonalnych zmian elementów systemu wyborczego.

  • Inżynieria wyborcza i system wyborczy w kontekście zmian ordynacji wyborczych

    Author: Jan Filip
    Institution: Uniwersytet Masaryka
    Year of publication: 2010
    Source: Show
    Pages: 31-40
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2010.01.02
    PDF: ppk/01/ppk102.pdf

    The analysis includes an attempt to represent various remarks associated with the electoral engineering, based on the experience of the Republic of Czech, where brand-new electoral system was adopted in the early 90s. Constitutional engineering was used at first as an instrument of analysis determining if modifications of the former electoral system are possible and how would various revisions influence performance of particular political party’s interests. The analysis led to a conclusion that there is no universal patent for electoral systems. There are no guarantees that the same regulation would function in the exact same manner as it does in the Republic of Czech and in the Republic of Poland, not even mentioning other countries located in different regions or continents. It is obvious that every country requires a sovereign decision in respect to the electoral system. Therefore, proposals of so called specialists suggesting taking over regulations following the British system (relative majority), Irish system (single transferable vote formula), or German system (personalisierte Verhältniswahl) should be recected. Rejection of the above-mentioned proposals stems from the fact that a par- ticular electoral system will function differently in every country, depending on various circumstances.

  • System wyborczy w państwie wielonarodowym. Analiza przypadku Hiszpanii

    Author: Małgorzata Myśliwiec
    Institution: Uniwersytet Śląski
    Year of publication: 2010
    Source: Show
    Pages: 115-126
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2010.01.09
    PDF: ppk/01/ppk109.pdf

    Multinationalism is one of the most important features of the Spanish state. After General Franco`s death in 1975 the nature of this political reality has induced the political elites to begin the process of construction of so-called regional state. The recognition of the principle of pluralism has binded members of the Spanish parliament to pass the electoral law which ensure that all territorial groups may have their representation in representative bodies in four levels of the political decision making process: European, national, regional and the local one.Thus, the main aim of this article is to present some basics of the legal solutions adopted in the Spanish electoral law, which in one hand allow to save the unitary state, but on the other hand ensure the respect of the ethnoregional minorities rights.

  • System wyborczy w Bośni i Hercegowinie - spojrzenie krytyczne

    Author: Krzysztof Krysieniel
    Institution: Wyższa Szkoła Bankowa w Poznaniu
    Year of publication: 2010
    Source: Show
    Pages: 166-176
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2010.01.13
    PDF: ppk/01/ppk113.pdf

    The electoral law in Bosnia and Herzegovina differs significantly from commonly accepted standards operating in democratic state. During the parliamentary or presidential elections, the citizens who do not belong to one of constituent states (Bosnians, Serbs, Croats) are deprived of basic rights. The solutions established in 1995, and later only slightly modified, eventually caused the end of war but did not introduce fully democratic solutions. Even more surprising is the fact that the authors of constitutional order, including election law, are representatives of international community, mostly American lawyers. Unfortunately, in Bosnia and Herzegovina national communities, that are treated by the law as main entity of political life, are far more important than an ordinary citizen.

  • Problematyka zmiany systemu wyborczego w demokracjach westminsterskich: Nowej Zelandii, Kanadzie i Wielkiej Brytanii. Perspektywa porównawcza

    Author: Marzena Więckowska
    Institution: Uniwersytet Warszawski
    Year of publication: 2011
    Source: Show
    Pages: 161-176
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2011.03.08
    PDF: ppk/07/ppk708.pdf

    The article attempts to present the phased structure of electoral change in New Zealand, Canada and the United Kingdom. Together the comparison of the suc- cessful alteration of the first past the post formula in 1993 in New Zealand, the wave of electoral reforms in Canada that started in 2004 in British Columbia and the British referendum on 5th May 2011, allow to distinguish 8 phases of elector- al system revision: injustice of the first part the post formula suffered by one of two main parties, leading to alteration initiatives; mobilisation of public opin- ion; withdrawal of the reform’s initiators from the process; loss of control by the initiators over the electoral change process; creation of the appropriate body re- sponsible for the selection of the optimal voting formula; indication by the cho- sen body of the optimal alternative electoral formula to the first past the post for- mula; referendum; growth of support for the first past the post system.

  • Systemic Preconditions of Centralized Personalization of the Election Campaign to the Polish Sejm

    Author: Wojciech Peszyński
    Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 34-49
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2019.63.03
    PDF: apsp/63/apsp6303.pdf

    The aim of this article is to assess the susceptibility of chosen components of Polish political system on centralized personalization of the election to the Sejm. The method applied in this process is the qualitative-quantitative content analysis. The construction of the tool that could objectively measure this influence in any democratic country poses an extremely difficult task. For this reason, the author proposed his own catalog of variables, based on the criterion of the relevance of their impact on the process of personalization. This list includes the following determinants: the position of Prime Minister, the electoral system, competencies and the manner of creating the position of the President, the financing of political parties and the role of the mass media. Out of the above-mentioned variables, especially the Prime Minister’s competences and the election system are the key factors that influence the level of centralized personalization, due to which they were graded higher in the assessment of susceptibility.

  • Prawa mniejszości narodowych w prawie wyborczym do chorwackiego Saboru

    Author: Konrad Składowski
    E-mail: kskladowski@wpia. uni.lodz.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Łódzki
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3199-7440
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 79-93
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2021.02.05
    PDF: ppk/60/ppk6005.pdf

    Rights of national minorities in the election law of the Croatian Sabor

    The article is devoted to the election law in force in the Republic of Croatia, in particu- lar to the provisions regulating the procedure for electing representatives of national mi- norities. In Croatia, the electoral system for the Sabor consists of three separate methods of selecting deputies. The first and fundamental one involves the election of 140 deputies in 10 constituencies. In each of the constituencies, 14 representatives are elected on the basis of a proportional system, using the d’Hondt method and the 5% electoral thresh- old applied to the constituency scale. The second is used in the election of three repre- sentatives of the Croatian diaspora. The constituency is the entire world, and the distri- bution of seats is also made proportionally using the d’Hondt method. The third, used in the election of 8 representatives of national minorities, is the majority system. The ar- ticle analyzes the method of electing minority representatives and the consequences of applying this election procedure.

  • Dwukadencyjność wójtów, burmistrzów i prezydentów miast w Polsce w opiniach elektoratów ugrupowań i komitetów wyborczych w wyborach do sejmików województw w 2018 roku

    Author: Dominik Szczepański
    Institution: Uniwersytet Rzeszowski
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 171-185
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2021.69.10
    PDF: apsp/69/apsp6910.pdf

    Celem artykułu było przedstawienie zagadnienia związanego z ograniczeniem liczby kadencji włodarzy w Polsce. Analizie poddano dane empiryczne, pochodzące z badań ankietowych, w których zapytano respondentów o to, czy opowiadali się za ograniczeniem możliwości sprawowania funkcji wójta, burmistrza oraz prezydenta miasta do dwóch kadencji. Zmiennymi, które wzięto pod uwagę, były: udział ankietowanych w wyborach samorządowych w 2018 roku, deklarowany udział w wyborach parlamentarnych, deklarowane poglądy, deklarowana religijność oraz wiek respondentów. Badania ankietowe zostały przeprowadzone w okresie od grudnia 2018 r. do lutego 2019 r. w ramach ogólnopolskiego projektu badawczego pt. „Preferencje polityczne. Postawy – identyfikacje – zachowania” realizowanego od 2009 r.

  • (Dys)proporcjonalność polskich wyborów samorządowych

    Author: Bartłomiej Michalak
    E-mail: bartlomiej.michalak@umk.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4920-439X
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 273-285
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2021.04.16
    PDF: ppk/62/ppk6216.pdf

    (Dis)proportionality of the Polish Local Elections

    Studies on disproportionality of proportional electoral systems proves prove that district magnitude is a key variable determining deviations from proportionality in election results. This paper will shows how district magnitude affects electoral disproportionality by employing empirical data from Polish local elections in 2018. The analysis will prove that Polish “proportional” electoral system to local councils leads to highly disproportional results.

Wiadomość do:

 

 

© 2017 Adam Marszałek Publishing House. All rights reserved.

Projekt i wykonanie Pollyart