United Kingdom

  • The Political Myth of Margaret Thatcher in Scotland

    Author: Tomasz Czapiewski
    E-mail: tomekczapiewski@gmail.com
    Institution: University of Szczecin (Poland)
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 85-98
    DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2016007
    PDF: ppsy/45/ppsy2016007.pdf

    The article describes and explains the phenomenon of the political myth of Margaret Thatcher – her anti–Scottish attitude and policies and its impact on the process of decomposition of the United Kingdom. The author indicates that the view of Margaret Thatcher’s dominance in Scotland is simplified, stripped of complexity, ignoring significant information conflicting with the thesis, but that also plays an important role in current politics, legitimizing secessionist demands and strengthening the identity of the Scottish community. In the contemporary Scottish debate with its unequivocal defence policy of Thatcher is outside of the discourse, proving its sanctity status. Thatcher could see this special Scottish dimension within the United Kingdom, but treated it rather as a delay in the reforms needed in the country. There are many counterarguments to the validity of the Thatcher myth. Firstly, many negative processes that took place in the 80s were not initiated by Thatcher, only accelerated. Secondly, the Tory decline in popularity in the north began before the leadership of Thatcher and has lasted long after her dismissal. The Conservative Party was permanently seen in Scotland as openly English. Thirdly, there is a lot of accuracy in the opinion that the real division is not between Scotland and England, only between southern England and the rest of the country. Widespread opinion that Thatcher was hostile to Scotland is to a large extent untruthful. She has never retreated radically from any of the Scottish privileges, such as the Barnett formula or the Scottish Development Agency. 

  • Political Dimension of Welsh Identity after Devolution: Fact or Fiction?

    Author: Bartłomiej H. Toszek
    E-mail: clermont@wp.pl
    Institution: University of Szczecin (Poland)
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 353-366
    DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2016026
    PDF: ppsy/45/ppsy2016026.pdf

    The Welsh identity is undisputable in national (i.e. ethnic), social, cultural and even economic dimensions however it is doubtful in political sphere because vast majority of the Welsh still cannot decide if they are more Welsh or British. The ’double identity’ dilemma was visible especially during devolution referendums voting in 1979, 1997 and 2011 when non–political motives were often much more determinative then the factor of belonging to the Welsh community in political meaning. Thus, answering to the question about devolution referendum role in shaping political dimension of Welshness requires thoroughly analyse of the mentioned referendums results as an evident figures of public support for establishing legal and institutional guarantees of maintaining and developing all aspects of national identity. In the article has been contained description how the Welsh relations to the idea of self–determination (in frames of the wide internal autonomy) have changed by last 35 years. An author shows also barriers and factors fostering this process. 

  • The United Kingdom's Legal Response to Terrorism

    Author: Wojciech Stankiewicz
    Institution: University of Warmia and Mazury in Olsztyn (Poland)
    Year of publication: 2013
    Source: Show
    Pages: 244-267
    DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2013016
    PDF: ppsy/42/ppsy2013016.pdf

    Terrorist violence has a long history in the United Kingdom and the Government has a long experience in adopting the legal measures to counter the danger. It was the Irish terrorist activity, which started in the XIX century and continued almost till the end of the XX century, that caused the developing of a well – regarded competency in counter – terrorism in the UK. Nevertheless, the terrorists attacks of September 11, 2001 and attacks in Great Britain on 7 and 21 of July 2005 compiled the UK Government to change its counter – terrorism policy. The UK had to provide legislation which could deal with the new terror provided by extreme radical Islamic networks waging a global jihad. The UK Government started to deal with this new international terrorism, by introducing the new anti – terrorist acts in 2001, 2005 and 2006. The Islamic terrorist treat started to reform the institutions for domestic counter – terrorism and create new international relations among the CT activities of national governments.

  • DAVID CAMERON’S ‘HUGE MISTAKE’ Closing of the United Kingdom Labour Market for Eastern European Immigrants from Polish and British Perspective

    Author: Bartłomiej H. Toszek
    Institution: University of Szczecin
    Year of publication: 2014
    Source: Show
    Pages: 122-138
    DOI Address: -
    PDF: rop/2014/rop201408.pdf

    Eastern European immigrants coming to the UK since 2004 (in 2/3 from Poland) by their amount of work have concurred to serious growth of the GDP. But simultaneously they have been burden for British welfare system (among others by taking benefits for family members living outside the UK) and taking job even for minimum salary what have caused growth of native British unemployment. In this situation Conservative-Liberal Government leading by David Cameron have decided to limit an access to the UK labour market by language knowledge tests and tightening social benefits policy to job seekers. With informal support of main opposition parties (i.e. the Labour Party and the UKIP) D. Cameron have taken risky game showing he has been able to fight for his nation’s interests even in spite of huge protests of Polish and other Eastern European countries politicians and against the European Parliament resolution of 16 January 2014. But when turning out into a defender of Britons’ rights he also has showed that there have been deep divisions between “old” and “new” Europe still after 10 years of the EU’s biggest enlargement in 2004.

  • SCOTLAND AT THE CROSSROADS BETWEEN THE EUROPEAN UNION AND THE UNITED KINGDOM

    Author: Tomasz Czapiewski
    Institution: University of Szczecin
    Year of publication: 2013
    Source: Show
    Pages: 29-43
    DOI Address: -
    PDF: rop/2013/rop201302.pdf

    Scottish Independence Referendum will take place on 18 September 2014. There would be only one question during referendum: “Should Scotland be an independent country? The reform of devolution established by Scotland Act 2012 is sometimes overlooked by observers as too little too late. The most principal issues of the referendum will be: economy, oil resources, currency, defense and European Union. Main doubt around referendum is whether Scotland would be better economically after Independence. Scotland’s position within the EU is likely to be shaped more by any agreements between the parties than by pre-existing principles of EU law.
    Doubts about Scottish membership in the EU have to be viewed in the context of the referendum on the UK’s membership in the European Union, that will take place if the Conservative Party wins the 2015. British political class have always behaved differently towards the European integration than continental elites The importance of the European dimension of the Scottish Independence Referendum was proved by Panelbase poll in May 2013.

  • Where Does the Buck Stop with the Backstop? The Irish-UK Border in Brexit Negotiations: June 2016-January 2019

    Author: Paul McNamara
    E-mail: paulmcnamara@hotmail.com
    Institution: Technical University of Koszalin (Poland)
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1688-1709
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 92-126
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2020206
    PDF: ppsy/49-2/ppsy2020206.pdf

    The abject failure of British Prime Minister Theresa May to get the United Kingdom’s (UK) Withdrawal Agreement from the European Union (EU) through Parliament on 15 January 2019, with MPs overwhelmingly rejecting it by 432 votes to 202, has been put down to a variety of reasons. Primary among them has been the question of the post-Brexit status of the land border between the Republic of Ireland and the UK’s province of Northern Ireland. Although an issue which was initially seen as of minor importance, the significance of the Irish border steadily grew over time until it became the main stumbling block in UKEU Brexit negotiations brought about by the decision of the British people to leave the EU in a referendum held on 23 June 2016. Indeed, the key term of the ensuing debate, namely ‘the Irish backstop’, produced such confusion among politicians, political pundits and the general public that the House of Commons, split between so-called Brexiteers and Remainers, decided to reject May’s deal out of hand. This article seeks to argue that, from June 2016 (the time of the referendum) up to January 2019 (the time of the first vote on May’s Brexit deal in Parliament), the issue of the Irish backstop was seriously underestimated before suddenly taking centre stage and ultimately sabotaging the Withdrawal Agreement from within.

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