USSR

  • Akt końcowy KBWE i jego wpływ na instytucjonalizację ruchu praw człowieka w krajach Europy Środkowo-Wschodniej w perspektywie porównawczej 1975–1991 (wybrane aspekty)

    Author: Anna Jach
    E-mail: anna.jach@uj.edu.pl
    Institution: Uniwersytet Jagielloński w Krakowie, Poland
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 157-175
    DOI Address: http://dx.doi.org/10.15804/npw2017210
    PDF: npw/13/npw2017210.pdf

    On the 1st of August 1975 in Helsinki, 35 countries signed the Final Act of the CSCE. Running the Helsinki process was crucial for the institutionalization of the human rights movement in Central and Eastern Europe. For the first time the principle of respect for human rights, treated as a manifestation of European security, achieved a high status in the basic international document. Although at the beginning the conference did not have any means of direct impact on Member States, thanks to the adopted mechanisms (Review Conferences ) it became possible to international control over the observance of the principle of protection of human rights. As a result, already in 1976, the first non-governmental organizations, upholding the findings of Helsinki, were established in the USSR, Poland and Czechoslovakia,. In this way, the European communist states were subjected not only international but also internal pressure of societies. Social transformations in each of these countries have become the nucleus of the emerging civil society. The final result of, ongoing since 1973, the CSCE process in 1989, was a fall of the Iron Curtain in 1991 and end of the Yalta–Potsdam order, dividing Europe into the political sphere of influence for more than four decades.

     

  • Events of August ’91 as an Expression of Political Disobedience in the Process of Shaping Civil Conduct

    Author: Anna Jach
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 125-139
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/kie.2016.04.09
    PDF: kie/114/kie11409.pdf

    Civil disobedience is the attitude which in the 20th century proved to be the only effective form of resistance to authoritarian regimes. So it was in the case of the events of August ’91 when the Soviet society objected to the activities of the State Committee on the State of Emergency. It would not have been possible without the reform programme known as perestroika initiated by the last USSR leader Mikhail Gorbachev. Thanks to perestroika and the accompanying glasnost transparency of socio­political life the previously apathetic and alienated Soviet society felt responsible for their own life and for the fate of the State. By opposing the rebels through passive resistance, the citizens proved to the leaders of their own country, to the world, and above all, to themselves that they were aware of their rights and responsibilities. The process of socio­political socialization stimulated the development of civil society in the Soviet Union.

  • Polityka historyczna Federacji Rosyjskiej i Związku Radzieckiego wobec Polski na przykładzie opisu agresji ZSRR na Polskę w świetle narracji podręcznikowej

    Author: Stanisław Boridczenko
    Institution: Uniwersytet Szczeciński
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 74-91
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2019.61.05
    PDF: apsp/61/apsp6105.pdf

    W niniejszym artykule omówiono rosyjską narrację historyczną w rodzimym szkolnictwie. Poruszony temat polega na badaniu polityki historycznej Federacji Rosyjskiej i Związku Radzieckiego. Uwagę skupiono na zawartym w podręcznikach Federacji Rosyjskiej oraz Związku Radzieckiego opisie 17 września 1939 roku. Podstawą analizy stała się szeroko zakrojona kwerenda, w trakcie której zanalizowano teksty obowiązujących od 1954 roku podręczników szkolnych. Główne uzasadnienie podjętej tematyki stanowi cieszący się popularnością w polskiej publicystyce dyskurs nawiązujący do polityki historycznej Rosji. Zgodnie z założeniem artykułu historyczna wiedza przekazywana w szkołach Rosji cechuje się starannym pomijaniem wątków związanych z radziecką agresją na Polskę.

  • Ономастикон польских фамилий в документах новейшей истории Ярославского региона

    Author: Анджей Гутовский
    E-mail: lebedowski@yandex.ru
    Institution: Компания «Северный aрхив»
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 102-113
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/so2019207
    PDF: so/16/so1607.pdf

    Onomastikon Polish surnames in documents of modern history of the Yaroslavl region

    The article is devoted to the study of Polish and polonized surnames of the Yaroslavl region of Russia on the basis of a database formed from diverse documents of recent history, mostly modern authors. A range of sources of information about contemporary surname carriers is consecrated; an etymological analysis of the surnames is carried out, they are graded according to special features. The history of the repressiveness of the Soviet system in relation to the carriers of Polish surnames is traced. The conclusion is made about the strength of the essence and purpose of the foundations of Polish surnames as the most resistant element among the bearers of historical memory to the aggressive totalitarian environment.

  • Polska „wobec Rosji” w 1941 r. Nieznany memoriał Ksawerego Pruszyńskiego jako attaché prasowego ambasady polskiej w Związku Sowieckim

    Author: Ariel Orzełek
    Institution: Uniwersytet Marii Curie-Skłodowskiej w Lublinie
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5360-464X
    Year of publication: 2019
    Source: Show
    Pages: 207-240
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/pbs.2019.08
    PDF: pbs/7/pbs708.pdf

    Poland „towards Russia” in 1941. Unknown memorial of Ksawery Pruszyński as a press attaché of the Polish embassy in the Soviet Union)

    Ksawery Pruszyński, one of the most talented Polish writers and publicists of the first half of the 20th century, underwent significant political evolution in his short life. His first articles unequivocally testified that he was an anti-communist, fiercely fighting all sympathy for Soviet policy, and at the same time an apologist of Józef Piłsudski and a spokesman for the Promethean concept. Pruszyński, a conservative, having respect for the Polish traditions of this movement, but seeking his new formula adequate to the requirements of modern times, and a spokesman for „superpower Poland” was at the same time a socially sensitive creator and reluctant to any dictatorship. This quarreled with his colleagues from the editorial staff of „Youth Rebellion” and led to the ranks of cautious apologists of the republican side fighting in the Spanish Civil War. However, he formulated the concept of the Polish-Soviet alliance against Germany, for which the price could be Polish eastern lands, and the prize - German eastern lands, only after the outbreak of the German-Soviet war. In 1941–1942 Pruszyński was a press attaché at the Polish embassy of the USSR. At that time he prepared the presented memorial, probably directed at the hands of Prime Minister General Sikorski, in which he wrote about the need to recognize the importance of the Russian factor in Polish politics. The text anticipated the article Towards Russia, published in 1942, in which the author has already ambiguously suggested the necessity of the assignment of Polish eastern territories in the name of correct relations. This caused a wave of criticism of the publicist, but he was more and more consistent in his views. This led him to return to Poland in 1945 and to accept the post-Yalta reality. He was not an ardent admirer, but he considered her the result of geopolitical realities. This, too, seems to have been the main reason for changing his views on the Soviet Union and communism – adopting hard policy rules as unchanging, perhaps colored by some social spell on Marxist radicalism. At the end of his life, Pruszyński held diplomatic functions. He died tragically in 1950 in a car accident, leaving unfinished texts and questions about the further fate of his views in the changing post-war conditions.

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