Węgry

  • The Proclamation of the Hungarian Republic in 1946

    Author: Schweitzer Gábor
    E-mail: schweitz@jog.mta.hu
    Institution: Hungarian Academy of Sciences, National University of Public Service
    Year of publication: 2017
    Source: Show
    Pages: 115-125
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2017.06.07
    PDF: ppk/40/ppk4007.pdf

    The paper is dealing with the constitutional and historical importance of Act I. of 1946. In 1946 Hungary has changed its form of government. The passage of Act I of 1946 has defined Hungary’s form of government as a republic. In addition to the creation of a republic, the legislation provided powers for the president of the Hungarian Republic. Moreover, the Preamble of Act I. of 1946 was the first document in the Hungarian constitutional history which summarized and declared the most important natural and inalienable rights of the citizens.

  • Konstytucja Węgier jako manifest polityczny parlamentarnej większości

    Author: Dominik Héjj
    E-mail: dominik@hejj.hu
    Institution: www.kropka.hu
    Year of publication: 2018
    Source: Show
    Pages: 67-85
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2018.01.04
    PDF: ppk/41/ppk4104.pdf

    The Fidesz–KDNP coalition won the Hungary parliamentary elections of 2010, which was held in April and May. Coalition capturing two-thirds of seats in National Assembly. Despite the fact that in the Election manifesto were no declarations to change the Fundamental Law, the process of creating the new constitution was started after two months after the election. The final draft of the Basic Law was voted on in National Assembly after less than 9 month after the Election and it’s called “the Fidesz’ Fundamental Law”. During four years (2012–2016) the Parliament passed six amendment acts to the Fundamental Law. Whose main purpose was to adapt it to Fidesz’ political philosophy. Thanks to two-thirds majority, the Government coalition could freely shape the Fundamental Law and (after reform of the judiciary) voluntary in its interpretation.

  • Broken Democracy, Predatory State and Nationalist Populism (Part 2)

    Author: András Bozóki
    Institution: Central European University
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 236–255
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2016.52.14
    PDF: apsp/52/apsp5214.pdf

    The main aim of the article is to try to analyze the functioning of Victor Orbán’s regime in Hungary in the period from 2010. Analyses oscillate between considering issues such as the development of democracy in Hungary after 1990, history and background of functioning of the Fidesz party, and the course of Orbán’s exercise of power. In the paper, the reasons behind the taking of power by Fidesz party were analyzed by taking into account the specifics of Hungarian democratic experience after 1989, processes of state’s reforms and economic crises. The article ends with the analysis of five pillars of Victor Orbán’s policies.

  • Broken Democracy, Predatory State and Nationalist Populism

    Author: András Bozóki
    Institution: Central European University, Budapest
    Year of publication: 2015
    Source: Show
    Pages: 247–262
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2015.48.16
    PDF: apsp/48/apsp4816.pdf

    The main aim of the article is to try to analyze the functioning of Victor Orbán’s regime in Hungary in the period from 2010. Analyses oscillate between considering issues such as the development of democracy in Hungary after 1990, history and background of functioning of the Fidesz party, and the course of Orbán’s exercise of power. In the paper, the reasons behind the taking of power by Fidesz party were analyzed by taking into account the specifics of Hungarian democratic experience after 1989, processes of state’s reforms and economic crises. The article ends with the analysis of five pillars of Victor Orban’s policies.

  • OD SKŁADANIA OFIAR WŁASNYM BOGOM DO SANCTI REGES ET DUCES CZYLI ARPADÓW PRZYGODA Z SACRUM

    Author: RYSZARD GRZESIK
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 149-162
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/hso160206
    PDF: hso/11/hso1106.pdf

    The article explores the specificity of early medieval Hungarian Christianity, which lay in the existence of two metropolises in the Kingdom, i.e., Esztergom and Kalocsa, and the belief in the sanctity of the Árpád dynasty, expressed as early as in the second half of the thirteenth century.

  • The Position and Activity of the Constitutional Court of Hungary: 2011-201

    Author: Sebastian Kubas
    E-mail: sebastian.kubas@us.edu.pl
    Institution: University of Silesia in Katowice
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7609-4002
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 351-364
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.05.26
    PDF: ppk/57/ppk5726.pdf

    The Constitutional Court has functioned in Hungary since 1989. Its activity shaped the frame of democratic state of law and influenced the constitutional order in Hungary. In 2011 the National Assembly passed the new Act on the Constitutional Court that replaced a previous one from 1989. The provisions of the Act and the Fundamental Law reduced the role and position of the Court as a separated body in the tripartite power division. The reduction of competences is accompanied by the diminishing of the concluded cases as well.

  • Hungarian Public Education in the Light of the Enforcement of Educational Rights and Obligations

    Author: Ákos Cserny
    E-mail: drcserny@gmail.hu
    Institution: University of Physical Education
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4375-821X
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 463-479
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.05.34
    PDF: ppk/57/ppk5734.pdf

    Under democratic conditions, the enforcement of educational rights and obligations is one of the guarantees that the education and training system can fulfill its function effectively. In Hungary, the system of educational institutions and legal protection operating within the framework of the rule of law dates back to more than a quarter of a century, but experience in such a short period of time is significant. By presenting some of the rights and obligations related to public education, the paper gives the reader an idea of how a post-socialist country in Central and Eastern Europe operates its public education system and how it was able to adapt to European norms more than 30 years after the public law regime change. At the same time, this approach not only informs about the realization of the second-generation rights to education in Hungary, but also provides insight into the current direction of public education policy, for example through the issue of centralization-decentralization. Therefore, the study examines only those public education legal relations that are the most characteristic in terms of the presentation of the Hungarian system - in the opinion of the author -, and best reflect the public education conditions in Hungary.

  • The Evolution of the Systemic Position of the Prime Minister of Hungary - Legal Regulations and Constitutional Practice

    Author: Jacek Wojnicki
    E-mail: jacekwojnicki@poczta.onet.pl
    Institution: Warsaw University
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4289-989X
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 481-499
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.05.35
    PDF: ppk/57/ppk5735.pdf

    The article discusses the issues of evolution of the political position of heads of government in Hungary. The time frame is between 1990 and 2020. A wide historical spectrum is included as well, showing the transformations of the supreme bodies of state power. After 1989, Hungary opted to establish a parliamentary cabinet system, with some strengthening of the government’s powers. The institution of the Prime Minister has become a real instrument of political power for the leaders of political factions in the countries discussed. The analysis takes into account both constitutional regulations and political practice over the past nearly 30 years. A particular strengthening of the political position of the Prime Minister can be seen after 2010.

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