wybory prezydenckie

  • Trzeci kandydat w wyborach prezydenckich w USA na przykładzie kandydatur Rossa Perota i Ralpha Nadera

    Author: Katarzyna Zielińska
    Institution: Uniwersytet Pedagogiczny im. KEN w Krakowie
    Year of publication: 2011
    Source: Show
    Pages: 137-160
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2011.03.07
    PDF: ppk/07/ppk707.pdf

    This Article is based on two, the most famous episodes from American Par- liamentarian and Presidential Election History. For 200 years in USA we have a two-party system, which caused that two major parties had played a main role in political system. During the elections (Congressional or Presidential) only two main parties were taken into consideration by electors and society. When third parties have appeared at American political scene it was also a sign for pol- iticians that American Society were demanded changes. Third parties and their candidates were encouraged to take a part in elections and fight for large amount of American voters. Profiles of presidential candidates, Ross Perot and Ralph Nader show what kind of changes American system need.

  • Wymóg uzyskania terytorialnego rozłożenia głosów (poparcia) w wyborach prezydenckich

    Author: Krzysztof Trzciński
    Institution: Polska Akademia Nauk
    Year of publication: 2016
    Source: Show
    Pages: 113–137
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2016.49.07
    PDF: apsp/49/apsp4907.pdf

    Głównym celem tego artykułu jest wyjaśnienie, na czym polega specyfika instytucji wymogu uzyskania terytorialnego rozłożenia głosów w wyborach prezydenckich, istniejącego w: Nigerii od 1979 r., Kenii od 1992 r. i Indonezji od 2001 r., oraz określenie panujących w tych państwach warunków politycznych, które przyczyniły się do jej wprowadzenia i trwania. W końcowej części artykułu, dzięki porównaniu wszystkich trzech kazusów, wskazane zostaną szczegółowe różnice występujące obecnie między nimi. W artykule zostaną również zaprezentowane wnioski dotyczące dotychczasowych doświadczeń związanych z funkcjonowaniem przedmiotowej instytucji. Pozwolą one wstępnie ocenić, czy uprawnione jest stwierdzenie, że jej zastosowanie wpływa na obniżenie znaczenia konfliktowych zachowań w relacjach między grupami etnicznymi i na budowanie międzyetnicznej akomodacji w wymienionych państwach.

  • Postal Voting as an Ultimate Rescue Measure for Presidential Election During the COVID-19 Pandemic in Poland

    Author: Anna Rytel-Warzocha
    Institution: University of Gdansk
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8972-4088
    Year of publication: 2020
    Source: Show
    Pages: 99-112
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.05.07
    PDF: ppk/57/ppk5707.pdf

    The article concerns the Polish regulation and practice concerning postal voting. After presenting some background information on postal voting in Poland, such as the circumstances of its introduction in 2011 and changes it has undergone since then, the author focuses on the latest amendments related to postal voting in the presidential election that were ordered for 10 May 2020. The issue has recently become extremely topical as the ruling party wanted to use postal voting for a large scale as a remedy for problems with holding the traditional election due to the COVID-19 pandemic. That idea was followed by the adoption of a specific law which, however, has aroused many controversies and great doubts about its constitutionality, mainly related to the way it was proceeded.

  • War and Peace Journalism in the Coverage of the 2020 US Presidential Election

    Author: Róża Norström
    Institution: University of Silesia in Katowice
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9981-9988
    Author: Mariusz Kolczyński
    Institution: University of Silesia in Katowice
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0355-4004
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 52-64
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2021.72.03
    PDF: apsp/72/apsp7203.pdf

    This paper aims at empirically testing the usefulness of Galtung’s model of peace and war journalism in the analysis of the coverage of the 2020 US presidential election by Polish television news programs. The work also aims to investigate whether similar mechanisms can be used in the coverage of elections as in the coverage of wars. We explore through what perspective – peace or war journalism – the election was covered and what specific mechanisms of these models were used. We also discuss whether the war journalism or peace journalism coverage perspective of the event was influenced by polarization and the political affiliation of the Polish media and how these factors influenced the way the US presidential candidates were presented.

  • Pozycja prezydenta Republiki Czeskiej po wprowadzeniu bezpośrednich wyborów prezydenckich

    Author: Marcin Czyżniewski
    Institution: Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu
    ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3227-0035
    Year of publication: 2021
    Source: Show
    Pages: 89-100
    DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2021.05.06
    PDF: ppk/63/ppk6306.pdf

    The position of the president of the Czech Republic after the introduction of direct presidential elections

    In 2011, direct presidential elections were introduced in the Czech Republic. The Author examines how this changed the position of the President of the Republic. The prevailing opinion among constitutionalists is that direct elections are an element of creating a strong position of the president in a democratic system, and the president elected in this way should have broad powers and play an important role in the political system of the country. Analyzing the provisions of the constitution and the political activity of the presidents of the Czech Republic, the Author concludes that, contrary to this thesis, the Czech legislator decided to balance the strong legitimacy of direct elections with a limited catalog of competences. This happened because the change in the way the president was elected was a political project, and not the result of a substantive debate on the constitutional order.

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