SPIS TREŚCI / CONTENTS / ЗМІСТ

The article analyzes the causes, implementation strategy, and results of vaccine diplomacy of the People’s Republic of China and the Russian Federation in Central and Eastern Europe. In particular, the activities of China and Russia in Serbia, Hungary, Northern Macedonia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Albania, Moldova, Belarus, and Ukraine are covered. The main directions, tools, and consequences of the activation of the two states in the region are outlined. The article underlines that China is expanding its strategic goals according to the One Belt One Road Initiative through the so-called Health Silk Road, providing a vaccine to low- and middle-income countries. The goals of the Russian Federation are established more in the geopolitical and political spheres. Russia seeks to reduce the influence of the EU and the US in the CEE region from political, economic, and security perspectives. China and Russia are both allies and competitors. The two countries are trying to gain additional leverage in the CEE region by means of political lobbying, investment, finance, propaganda, Euroscepticism, public opinion manipulation, and soft power. For some time, the shortage of medicine for vaccination, which was caused by giving priority to the population of vaccine-producing countries, contributed to a rather increased activity of the PRC and the Russian Federation in the implementation of the strategy of gaining image benefits.

Communicative Dimension of Formation and Promotion of the State`s Public Image

Within the framework of the author’s scientific research, three types of communicative models of the world’s states were identified, which reflect the basic principles of building state information policy and reflect the key characteristics of the political system. Among them are subsidiary, vertical, and transitional models. The institutional method was used to prove the specifics of the state as a political institution that is the bearer of national images, as well as the role and degree of influence of public policy on the formation of ideas about the state in the external information space, on the policy of promoting and transforming these images, with an emphasis on the actions of those states that shape the global political discourse of today. The authors propose an integral model of state’s public image formation, which provides for the synergy of actors of public diplomacy. The result of its implementation is the formation of the components of the state image (regional, multicultural, culinary, educational, expert) together with official products (national symbols, reputation characteristics, socio-economic development indicators, rating indicators and e-diplomacy products) «from below». Both the central government and local communities in the context of the implementation of «bottom-up» policy should be involved in the realization of a successful image formation policy. The authors emphasize that the policy of state’s image formation in the external information space should be considered as a multifaceted component of the foreign policy of the state. The tools, channels and subjects of formation and adjustment of the stateʼs image should be embedded in each of the vectors of foreign policy- in security, diplomatic, economic, social, legal, and directly information vectors.

Citizenship Patriotism as a New Model of Patriotism: Theoretical and Methodological Basis

Based on a sociological survey conducted within the framework of the Swiss-Ukrainian project, the article analyses the state of citizenship of Ukrainians through the prism of developing their patriotic attitudes. The authors make a theoretical attempt to combine the notions of «citizenship » and «patriotism» with a view to their mutual informative reinforcement in the new model of citizenship patriotism. It is determined that the most integrative potential for the successful completion of democratic transit in Ukraine is a model of citizenship patriotism, based on a high level of citizenship competence of individuals (which implies a well-grounded positive assessment of the national realities, the attitude of conscious fulfilment of civil duties and active position of citizens in the field of protection of public interest).

Peculiarities of the EU’s normative power use for the establishment of climate-related values in Ukraine

Intensifying EU authorities’ efforts to overcome the climate crisis, as well as the desire of EU member states to mobilize its neighbours and partners to join them on a green transformation path, once again reaffirms the intention of EU to realize itself as a global promoter of environmental values. Of particular interest is the question of whether the EU could achieve climate neutrality in both Europe and other parts of the world through intensifying its normative power. Taking into account all of the above considerations, the main aim of this article was to determine the peculiarities of the EU’s normative power use in order to establish climate-oriented values in Ukraine by examining three core elements of the normative power concept developed by I. Manners, Professor at Lund University: principles, actions and impact. To achieve this goal, it was essential to consider the key principles of EU environmental policy in the field of climate change, to describe the mechanisms through which the EU promotes them in Ukraine, as well as to determine whether the desired result has been achieved in Ukraine due to EU’s green normative power.

Under the current conditions of expanding globalization, the role of cross-border cooperation in the life of regions and communities is growing and new opportunities are opening up to intensify economic activity in peripheral areas and increase their competitiveness. Cross-border cooperation is aimed at overcoming the negative aspects of the existence of borders and the consequences that have arisen in the border areas due to their location on the national outskirts of states and aims to improve living conditions. Among the main goals of such cooperation are: overcoming existing stereotypes and prejudices on both sides of the border; removing political and administrative barriers between neighboring nations; creation of economic, social and cultural infrastructure, subject to the formation of joint bodies, economic entities, centers, etc. The article describes the main aspects of cross-border cooperation between Romania, Moldova and Ukraine. Romania is an important partner for the countries of Eastern Europe and, as one of the youngest EU countries, has considerable experience that could help partner countries to carry out effective socio- economic reforms and fight corruption. Ukraine-Romania- Moldova cross-border cooperation is part of the European Neighborhood and Partnership Instrument and plays an important role in developing mutually beneficial relations between states, addressing socio-economic, environmental and security issues, and is an effective means of Ukraine’s European integration. The Joint Action Plan “Ukraine-Romania- Moldova” 2007–2013 of the European Instrument has significantly affected the revival of cross-border cooperation between Ukraine, Romania, Moldova, especially the cooperation of local and regional authorities, communities and civil society institutions. During the program, more than 140 projects were implemented, which contributed to the development of transport infrastructure in border areas, energy networks, water and waste management, funded projects for cooperation between universities, research institutes and local authorities. There are positive dynamics of cross-border cooperation between Ukraine and Romania, in particular, important infrastructure projects are being implemented under the “Joint Black Sea Basin Joint Operational Program 2014–2020” and EU Joint Operational Program Romania-Ukraine 2014–2020”.

У статті зазначено, що нові реалії, які ми спостерігаємо (глобалізаційні процеси, пандемія COVID-19, інформаційні війни і т.д.) спричинюють зміни у всіх сферах суспільного життя. Дозвілля є однією з таких сфер. У зв’язку з цими змінами, трансформаціями та модифікаціями люди вимушені шукати нові шляхи організації свого дозвілля та проведення вільного часу. Звертається увага, що відбуваються зміни форм різних видів діяльності. Зокрема змінюються їх зміст. Підкреслюється, що відповідно до змін у суспільстві мають змінюватися підходи до вивчення людських діяльностей. У статті проаналізовано останні дослідження та публікації, що стосуються організації дозвілля та підходів до його вивчення. Також зазначено, що у вивченні цього питання є аспекти, які ще не були з’ясовані та обґрунтовані в повному обсязі. Звертаємо увагу на те, що вкладається у зміст поняття дозвілля в науковому обігу. Визначено, що дозвілля розглядають у контексті вільного часу, а саме як його частини. Підкреслено, що хоч ці два поняття розглядаються у тандемі, але вони не є тотожними. Сконцентровано увагу на розгляді основних підходів, що виокремлюють в соціології, та їхнього застосування у процесі вивчення питання. Проведений аналіз змісту соціологічних підходів до вивчення дозвілля дав змогу нам зрозуміти, що особливу увагу варто звернути на інституційний підхід. Він на сучасному етапі розвитку соціологічної науки посідає одне з провідних місць. Саме тому було детально розглянуто вивчення дозвіллєвих практик з огляду на інституційний підхід. Зазначено, що, на нашу думку, під час вивчення цього питання в українському суспільстві найбільш доречно та доцільно застосовувати інституційний підхід. Визначено, що цей підхід можна назвати інтеграцією елементів різних підходів. Це, у свою чергу, дає змогу обґрунтувати наші погляди з приводу найбільш оптимального підходу вивчення та дослідження дозвілля в українському соціумі. Сконцентровано увагу на тому, що вибір соціологічного підходу під час вивчення та дослідження певного питання залежить від того, яку мету та завдання ставить перед собою науковець.

Opposition activity and socio-political concepts of Jan Lityński

The purpose of this article is to introduce Jan Lityński, Polish oppositionist active from late ‘60s to 1989 and to describe his beliefs and opinions about politics, society and his environment. Lityński became an oppositionist against communist government as a student at University of Warsaw and was involved in events known as “March 1968” which led to his imprisonment and made continuing his education impossible. But despite this, Lityński remained in the opposition until the collapse of the communist regime in Poland. He collaborated with the most prominent members of the opposition and wrote texts on political and social issues for various periodicals published in the illegal circulation. As a member of KOR and “Solidarność”, he lost his freedom many times but never let himself be broken or to betray his beliefs. In 1989 he took part in Polish Round Table Agreements that led to the change of the political system. This article was written based on Lityński’s publications from the 1980s and things he wrote and said years after those events. Other sources of information were interviews conducted with Lityński and statements made about him by associates from the opposition period.

Recenzja książki: Magdalena Molendowska, Paweł Górecki, Piotr Zalewski, Martyna Ostrowska, Logika bezpieczeństwa. Wybrane zagadnienia, Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek, Toruń 2022, ss. 216