Nr 1(6)

Spis treści

  • Author: The Editors
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 3-6
  • DOI Address: -
  • PDF: hso/6/hso6toc.pdf
  • License: This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0.

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

Wstęp

  • Author: Józef Dobosz
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 7-10
  • DOI Address: -
  • PDF: hso/6/hso600.pdf
  • License: This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0.

Kresťanstvo u Germánov v Karpatskej Kotline v 6. storočí

  • Author: Peter Bystrický
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 13-41
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/hso140101
  • PDF: hso/6/hso601.pdf
  • License: This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0.

Christianity among Germanic tribes in the Carpathian Basin in the sixth centurysixth century

The fourth century saw the beginning of spreading Christianity among Germanic people. The mission of bishop Ulfi las, however, ended in 348 and persecuted Christian Goths fl ed to the territory of the Roman Empire. After the destruction of Gothic kingdoms, the fl eeing Goths were allowed by the Roman emperor Valens to cross the Danube, probably only on condition that they would adopt new faith. Since the emperor himself was an Arian and Arianism preferred theological teaching in the Roman Empire, the Goths, and later other East Germanic tribes, adopted this doctrine instead of Nicene Creed. Germanic people learned only the basic principles of faith and then just continued with their beliefs. Moreover, Jesus was deemed not the only God, but one of many gods. The second part of the study offers a survey of written sources on the Christianity among Germanic tribes in the Carpathian Basin in the sixth century – Rugians, Heruls, Gepids and Lombards. The Rugians led by the king Feletheus (Feva) and his Arian wife Giso dwelt on the left bank of the Danube, opposite the Roman province of Noricum, where at that time St. Severinus preached Christianity, established monasteries, organised defence or evacuation, redeemed captives, procured corn for the starving and healed the sick. Humble and pious Severinus won himself such a reputation that even barbarian kings respected him and listened to his advice and prophecies. The neighbouring Heruls, however, were pagans and sometimes invaded barely defended provinces of Noricum and Pannonia. Though their king received baptism in 528, many of them remained pagans and, according to Procopius, they were the wickedest people in the whole world. The Gepids, like Goths, converted to Arianism. The most signifi cant traces of Gepid Christianity are found in the territory of Pannonia II, especially near the Roman town of Sirmium. Sirmium was one of the most important centres of early Christianity and in the late sixth century, the town having become a seat of Gepid Arian bishop. On the other hand, Lombard Arianism is very problematical. The fi rst mention of their orthodox faith comes from Procopius. Paganism, however, was retained not only by the majority of the tribe, but also by the king and his retinue, even at the time 568 invasion in Italy. Arianism among Lombards probably gained strength only in Italy, where a number of subjugated Gepids accompanied them and where remnants of Arian Goths continued to live. From Alboin to Aripert (altogether 9 rulers) only two kings are mentioned as Arians and only two as Catholics. Though these Germanic tribes adopted Christianity in the Carpathian Basin, they did not stay there long enough to become true Christians. With Slavs and Avars replacing them, the Christianisation of Central Europe had to start from scratch.

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Kresťanstvo medzi Veľkou Moravou a Uhorskom. Otázka kontinuity a diskontinuity

  • Author: Ján Steinhübel
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 42-61
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/hso140102
  • PDF: hso/6/hso602.pdf
  • License: This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0.

Christianity between Great Moravia and the Hungarian Kingdom. Questions of Continuity and Discontinuity

A Transylvanian Prince Gyula I made a visit to Constantinople in 953, where he was baptised. The Patriarch of Constantinople ordained a monk Hierotheus the Hungarian as a bishop, who later baptised the family of Gyula. He also initiated the process of christianising his principality. Gyula’s daughter Sarolt married the Hungarian Prince Géza. Sarolt was very vigorous and she had a strong infl uence upon her husband. It was her who convinced Géza to invite Christian missionaries to Hungary in 972. She also established the fi rst Hungarian bishopric in her residence of Veszprém. This bishopric was consecrated to the Archangel Michael, to whom also the church in the residence of her father in Alba Iulia (Gyulafehérvár) was dedicated, later rebuilt and honoured with the title of the episcopal cathedral. Michael was not the only patron saint to protect Veszprém. There was also a rotunda of Saint George, considered a very old one at the time. Sarolt wanted to consecrate some church to Saint Michael in Veszprém, because she used to pray to him in Alba Iulia. That was the reason the bishopric of Veszprém did not accept the older dedication to Saint George. The cult of Saint George was very common in Bavaria during the nineth century, yet we have no evidence of Saint George veneration on the territory of Bavarian border marks – and for the same reason there is no evidence of it among the dedications of Pribina’s and Kocel’s churches in Pannonia. The rotunda in Veszprém was defi nitely not erected in Carolingian times and its dedication was not of Bavarian origin. Therefore, we can assume that is of Great Moravian origin. Another member of the Arpád dynasty was given a name Severin (Hungarian: Szörény) at his baptism in 972, but an old-Hungarian chronicler wrote down his name in the distorted form ‘Zyrind‘. Severin was the Duke of Szomogy, just as his son and successor, i.e., Koppány. Karolda, Sarolt’s older sister is believed to have been his wife. The Hungarian Prince Géza had younger brother Michael. The name Michael, which he took at his baptism in 972, was very popular in Bulgaria already in 866, when Bulgarian Prince Boris took this name at his baptism. If Michael took a Christian name popular in Bulgaria, he could have fulfi lled a wish of his Christian wife of probably Bulgarian origin, further indicated by her sons’ names, i.e., Ladislav and Vazul, which are derivations from the names Vladislav and Vasilij. Michael’s Bulgarian wife, as well as Géza’s Sarolt and Zyrind’s Karold, were Christians from their childhood and they persuaded their pagan husbands to accept Christian baptism. Members of the Arpadian state, who received their baptisms in 972, could be infl uenced by the impact of Great Moravian and Carolingian Christianity, which partially outlasted in the old pre-Hungarian centres, for example in Nitra, Bratislava, Blatnohrad, Veszprém and Pécs.

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Bruno z Querfurtu a Uhorsko

  • Author: Vincent Múcska
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 62-73
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/hso140103
  • PDF: hso/6/hso603.pdf
  • License: This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0.

Bruno of Querfurt and Hungary

In his paper Vincent Múcska seeks to explore the links between St. Bruno of Querfurt and Hungary in the early eleventh century. First, the Slovak historian addresses the issue of White and Black Hungarians, terms that are present in a variety of medieval sources, i.e., The Tale of Bygone Years or De administrando imperio, the work of the Byzantine Emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus. The author examines also the route of St. Bruno to Hungary and briefl y presents his missionary activity in the area (1002–†1009). Furthermore, Vincet Múcska outlnes the activity and the reasons for the presence of the papal legate Azzo in Hungary in 1009. Finally, the author attempts to provide his own explanation of the reasons for distinguishing between White and Black Hungarians.

Hagiografie v 10. a 11. století

  • Author: Marie Bláhov
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 74-91
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/hso140104
  • PDF: hso/6/hso604.pdf
  • License: This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0.

Hagiography in the tenth and eleventh century

In her paper Hagiografie v 10. a 11. Století, Marie Bláhová of Charles University in Prague examines the early history of the development of this genre. First, she discusses what hagiography is and when and under what circumstances this branch of the Latin literature was born. The author points out to the ancient roots of hagiography (the second century). Next to the history and the causes of the emergence of hagiography, the paper presents the development of its forms and changes in the choice of types of holiness, which could be included in such works since the late antiquity until the eleventh century. Marie Bláhová has presented readers with a wide panorama of centers and individuals distinguished in creating and rewriting hagiographic literature, noting their role at the time of birth of a given work and its subsequent dissemination. This panorama is made up of activities of both various centers and literary circles in older Europe, i.e., Empire, England, France, Italy, and in Central Europe, namely Hungary, Czech and Poland.

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Myśl społeczno-polityczna i gospodarcza księcia Leona Sapiehy (1803–1878)

  • Author: Jacek Szpak
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 92-118
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/hso140105
  • PDF: hso/6/hso605.pdf
  • License: This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0.

Socio-political and economic ideas of Prince Leon Sapieha (1803–1878)

Prince Leon Sapieha was one of the most prominent Polish politicians and socio-economic activists of the period of national subjugation. Given that Sapieha was involved in taking most political and economic decisions in Eastern Galicia in the years 1836–1875, his views, beliefs and ideas were of utmost importance for shaping the opinion of the Galician society. The experience of the November uprising brought about Sapieha’s firm rejection of an uprising as a means of regaining independence by Poland. Neither did he count on the intervention of the European powers in the Polish interest. He believed that independence could be achieved either as a result of a European war in which the invaders would fight on opposite sides, or, alternatively, owing to international treaties. A supporter of organic work, Leon Sapieha held that the main task of the Polish society was to build the political, cultural and economic power of the nation, with the help of the peasants, won over for the national cause. An advocator of public education regardless of sex and state, Sapieha perceived education as the only means of the national awakening of the peasantry and attached fundamental importance to improving the situation of the peasants and other social groups. In the Prince’s view, religious and moral values should be inherent in the socio-economic and political life. Sapieha believed in the distinctiveness of the national identity of Poles and Ruthenians. Both nations were supposed to cooperate closely. His socio-political and economic ideas put Sapieha close to the right, his program almost identical to those of other positivists. Leon Sapieha’s opinions were largely shaped by his social standing, his own experience, education and upbringing he received in the family home. His ideas were to some extent infl uenced by the then political thought, including that of Edmund Burke, Samuel Taylor Coleridge and Thomas Macaulay. Of great importance were the opinions of Adam Jerzy Czartoryski, Andrzej Zamoyski and Franciszek Ksawery Drucki-Lubecki. Leon Sapieha’s major goal was sovereign Poland.

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Dyskusja nad reformą administracji publicznej w Austrii na początku XX wieku

  • Author: Ryszard Tomczyk
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 119-134
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/hso140106
  • PDF: hso/6/hso606.pdf
  • License: This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0.

Discussion on the reform of public administration in Austria in the early twentieth centuryearly twentieth centur

A linchpin of government next to the army and the judiciary, the public (political) administration was of special significance in the multinational Habsburg monarchy throughout the constitutional period. It stimulated changes and paved the way towards progress and modernisation of the Danubian monarchy, and yet since the beginning its activity was severely criticised and accused of numerous flaws. In order to reform the administration and remedy its shortcomings, a number of projects were conceived by both the authorities and the parliamentary-governmental environment or academia. The administration’s greater involvement in solving problems of social and economic life was called for and the need to remove the conflicts of jurisdiction between its various branches and to sort out the relations between the organs of the state and local self-government was postulated. One of the most interesting projects of the administrative reform was prepared at the beginning of the twentieth century by the government of Ernst Kroeber. It consisted, inter alia, in strengthening the government power in the area. Although the proposed changes were not implemented, the reform of the administration was re-set on the agenda before the outbreak of World War I in 1911 with the establishment of a special Administrative Reform Commission, its work only partially successful. The outbreak of World War I necessitated the suspension of further work on the reform.

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Druga Dywizja Strzelców Pieszych gen. Prugar-Ketlinga internowana w Szwajcarii podczas II wojny światowej

  • Author: Marek Żejmo
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 135-152
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/hso140107
  • PDF: hso/6/hso607.pdf
  • License: This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0.

General Prugar-Ketling’s Second Division of Foot Riflemen interned in Switzerland during World War II

During the Second World War, the Polish community in Switzerland increased to several thousand people. Interned Polish soldiers worked for Swiss economy and defense. Memory of this fact has been preserved until the present day, being expressed through gratitude and fondness the Swiss demonstrate towards the Poles. During the tough period of war, Polish soldiers not only earned enough to make a living for themselves, but also contributed to the development of Switzerland’s economy. This good reputation the Poles enjoyed among the Swiss translates into a discreet – typically Swiss – but also very sincere fondness of the latter towards the former. In consequence, individuals and local authorities alike protect the memorabilia of Polish soldiers, i.e. shrines, tombstones, and memorial plaques put on buildings or by the roads. The Polish Museum in Rapperswil, Ignacy Jan Paderewski Museum in Morges and Tadeusz Kościuszko Museum in Solothurn are all co-financed by Swiss canton authorities, which has allowed these institutions to remain active until the present day.

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Ingrid Kušniráková a kol.: „Vyjdeme v noci vo fakľovom sprievode a rozsvietime svet”. Integračný a mobilizačný význam slávností v živote spoločnosti, Historický ústav Slovenskej akadémie vied, Bratislava 2012, ss. 245

  • Author: Dušan Škvarna
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 158-160
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/hso140109
  • PDF: hso/6/hso609.pdf
  • License: This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0.

Czwarta Międzynarodowa Konferencja Młodych Slawistów, Budapeszt 25 kwietnia 2014 roku

  • Author: Robert Tomczak
  • Author: Jakub Wojtczak
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 166-168
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/hso140111
  • PDF: hso/6/hso611.pdf
  • License: This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0.

Čtvrtá mezinárodní konference mladých slavistů, Budapešť 25. dubna 2014

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Informacja dla autorów

  • Author: The Editors
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 169-176
  • DOI Address: -
  • PDF: hso/6/hso6auth.pdf
  • License: This article is an open access article distributed under the terms and conditions of the Creative Commons Attribution license CC BY-NC-ND 4.0.

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