The disobedient women – leaders of the National Organization for Women. A sketch for a group portrait of the National Democracy women activists 1919–1929)

The significance and scale of Endek influence in the nineteenth and twentieth century were not the outcome of stricly party organizations. A social movement, which had been built up since the partition era, reflected the strength of the nationalist camp. Vigorous associations – both secret and conspiratorial – united both men and women of various social backgrounds, economic positions, and professionial affiliations. This included the National Organization of Women (NOK) – founded in 1919 – which was one of the largest and most influential women’s groups in the Second Polish Republic. The following article is an attempt to present selected aspects of the biographies of NOK leaders, which collectively make up a collective portrait of Natinal Democratic women of the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. The analysis includes such elements as: the intellectual climate of the era, the significance of the partitions in female political activism in indepent Poland, and the role of the Catholic faith (both in its individual and social dimensions). It is also indispensable to discuss the circumstances of the NOK’s founding and the motives propelling Polish women toward activism in the public sphere: first, in the electoral campaign to the Constituent Diet (1919) on behalf of the National Democratic movement, and, secondly, through involvement in the association’s actitivities. In this context, it is wortwhile to pose a question about the roles of men and women in the ranks of the National Democratic movement. This is an issue that deserves to be investigated since the members of NOK, in response to the needs of a newly-independent Polish state, rejected the notion of gender conflict, aiming instead to build a community in which the activism of men and women could be mutually complementary.

Early years of the battle for Gabriel Narutowicz’s place in historical memory

This articles discusses what actions were undertaken to commemorate the first president in the Polish history. Gabriel Narutowicz was elected the President in December 1922 and assassinated by a political fanatic just a few days later, on the second day of holding the office. The death of the chief of state was a climax of fierce political war fought on the Polish political arena in 1922. Right after his assassination for some communities in the Second Polish Republic President Narutowicz became a symbolic victim of Polish national fanaticism, as left-wing formations used him as a tool to fight with right-wing groups in Poland. Their activities included fundraising to commemorate the President by erecting statues, naming streets and public institutions after him, organizing anniversary special events or publishing books, just to name a few. Not only did the results of such actions turn to be effective, they also proved to be incredibly long-lasting.

Polish diplomatic representatives in Romania in the years 1918–1940 Part II 1923–1940

Polish representatives in Bucharest in the interwar period were – what is obvious – executors of the Polish government’s foreign policy, formulated by the successive Ministers of Foreign Affairs. They had to act within that framework. In exceptional circumstances were Linde and Koźmiński, who happened to act in conditions of nonexistence of a single center shaping Polish foreign policy and they often had to demonstrate creativity, without any directives coming from the top. To a certain extent in a similar situation was Raczyński, who also had to act independently, in a state of necessity – as he claimed – ignoring the supremacy of the Minister of Foreign Affairs interned in Romania. Effective professionals efficiently performing the tasks allocated to them were Wielowieyski, Szembek and Arciszewski. Jurjewicz was perceived as much less energetic. His relatively low activity on the position of the envoy, however, was largely derived from minister Seyda’s passive policy towards Romania. Undoubtedly, the most prominent Polish diplomat in Bucharest was Alexander Skrzyński. He not only performed his duties of the representative of the Republic of Poland with the invention but he also showed his own initiative, when Poland was in extremely difficult war situation in 1919–1920.

Titular generals of the Polish Army in the Second Polish Republic – a collective biography. Part 1. Legal circumstances and statistical analysis

The article is about analysis of group of Polish Army officers which under the law got rights to general title. In that time rights achieved 100 offices. The largest group were the ex Austro – Hungarian soldiers – 53 officers (more than the half of promoted). Second group were Russian (Tsarist army) – 38 persons. There were five officers form ex – German army and 2 from Polish Legions. Zdzisław Dmochowski has never served in the army. His past requires more research. The largest group of generals were infantry army – 36, and doctors – 24, troopers – 13, gunners – 8, sappers – 5, authorizing officers – 6 and controllers – 3 and train troops – 2. Another services had only once representative.

Józef Roman „Stosław”’s mission to the Western Pomerania

This article is an attempt to present the fate of the AK officer Major Joseph Roman after 1945, his participation in anti-communist activities within the area command of the West AK, DSZ and WiN, and attempts to create post-communist anti-Communist structures in West Pomerania.

Michał Plater-Zyberk (1937-1981). A sketch for a portrait of the patron of Szczecin’s Catholic Club

Michał Plater-Zyberk was born in 1937 in Vilnius in a family of patriotic and independent traditions. He was soon orphaned as a teenage boy and was also the subject of first repression – in 1954 he was prevented from starting his studies due to his origin and lack of affiliation with the Communist Youth Union of Poland. Only in the so-called. Thaw in 1956 was admitted to study at the Szczecin University of Technology. After graduation, he started working in state railroads, with whom he remained involved throughout his professional career. Since the sixties he has co-created an independent environment of secular Catholic intelligentsia, St. Andrzej Bobola at ul. Post Office in Szczecin. At the same time he was active in the Polish Tourist-Touring Society. In the seventies, he co-organized family church counseling and supported various independent initiatives. By signing petitions and making your private apartment available to opposition parties. For social activities and relationships with the Church he was faced with further repressions: in 1967 he was suspended in the rights of the tourist guide, and in 1978 degraded from the occupied position. In 1980 he was a co-founder of the Szczecin Catholic Club and co-organizer of the Independent Self-Governing Trade Union Solidarity in the Pomeranian Regional Railways Board. He became the chairman of the union cell at his workplace and entered the regional authorities of Solidarity. He died suddenly during a holiday trip to Zakopane in February 1981. In 1986 his name was accepted by the Szczecin Catholic Club in recognition of his co-founder

Ethical standards of the work of historians in the specific context of historical cognition

The existing „Code of Ethics for Employees” in Poland, as well as other documents prepared by representatives of all sciences gathered in research institutes of the appropriate reputation, do not in themselves distinguish between the specific characteristics of particular fields, especially between the humanities and nature sciences, The scientist in itself based on the general ethical standards in force in the European cultural circle. The purpose of this article is to attempt to exemplify the ethical dangers inherent in its scientific activity, and which derives from the specificity of the theory of historical cognition, whose verification differs fundamentally from the verification of conclusions formulated by rigorous sciences or social sciences based on statistical methods. This task was also undertaken with an indication of differences in the intensity of problematic ethical issues depending on the intent and object of historical research.

Żuławski – associations

In my short essay, I wanted to address the issues of Andrzej Żuławski’s „Shamanka”. Especially in the context of critical voices that consider this work to be iconoclastic. I was especially interested in the issue of transgression, understood as the ability to defend against the system. The essence of taboo collapse, also seen in other artist- -directors, exploits the potential of primordial violence, coming closer to relations that are not conditioned by economics or matter, but purely Nature’s laws, based on predators and victims, whose sources of behavior and characteristics pass. To the next stages of human evolution, only in fuzzy clarity. Because of new environment conditions, caused by culture, then civilization. Hence the great metaphorical values of the heroes of Żuławski’s production, and above all the character of „Italians”. The film’s content is her relationship with the anthropologist Michal, fascinated by archaic epochs, but with a completely different approach to them. Similar transgressive meaning, though on a different personal background, can be seen in Italian director Paolo Pasolini’s reminiscence, which may be recalled during the screening. Equally controversial was his last venture – Salo 120 days of Sodomy – a free adaptation of the novel of the Marquis de Sade. I set up both films to signal the polemic approach of both directors to postmodern societies.