Launching Legislative Initiatives in the Light of the Provisions  of the Sejm Regulations

The Speaker, as the executive body of Polish Parliament has the authority to coordinate legislative activities. The authority covers formal control over a project brought, especially its justification, disposition to print the project and deliver it to the members of parliament as well as – which needs to be stressed – resolving the decision to undertake substantial works on a legislative project brought. The binding regulations concerning coordination of legislative activities were analyzed in the context of the parliamentary opposition’s laws. The problem broached relates to the legal instruments by the use of which the parliamentary opposition may influence the Speaker’s decision on undertaking substantial works on a legislative project brought by it.

Legal Protection of a Member of Parliament – Comments de lege lata

Legal protection of the polish Parliament members’ includes material, formal and personal immunity. The material immunity guarantees that deputies mustn’t be called to account for their activity which is a part of their seats in the Parliament. The formal immunity prohibits instituting legal proceedings against a deputy without the Parliament’s agreement. The personal immunity means a prohibit of deputies’ detention and arresting without the Parliament’s agreement. A wide range of legal protection of the polish Parliament members’ guarantees them free and independent representative activity. An aim of these privileges is an assurance of independence and autonomy of the polish Parliament. It is important to remember that in accordance with the present legislatives deputy’s immunity mustn’t be treated as a privilege that guarantees impunity and relieving deputies’ of criminal responsibility

Unicameral parliaments in Baltic countries

The aim of this article was to show parliaments of three Baltic countries (Lithuania, Latvia and Estonia) and their typical attributes. They all are single chamber parliaments. Among the most important features are: monopoly of legislature, government dependence of parliament and small number of parties in parliament. Seimas, Saeima and Riigikogu are independent objects that makes them efficient political bodies and also makes their political systems more stable.

The Cooperation between the Federal Government and the Authorities  of the Subjects of the Russian Federation in the Implementation  of Legislative Initiatives. Introductory Remarks

This paper deals with selected aspects of the cooperation of the Government of the Russian Federation with authorities of the subjects of the Russian Federation in the realization of the legislative initiatives. It is shown that cooperation of the central government with local legislatives is aimed at linking in the federal legislative process the partial, particular and specific interests – characteristic for parts of the Russian Federation – with building effective state policies.

Remarks about the Need for the Modification of the Upper House of  Parliament  in the Contemporary Polish Political System

The article constitutes a monograph on issues of the alteration of the second house of the Parliament in the Polish political model. In the beginning there was explained the genesis of the contemporary shape of the Senate in the system of the state authorities. There was established that the contemporary political concept of this house of the Parliament doesn’t guarantee an optimum performance before of her function and competence. However to prevent the hasty liquidation of the Senate there were considered possible directions of his alteration.

The Evolution of the Institution of Interpellation  in Polish Parliamentarism

In the modern democratic state interpellation – as the one of measures of oversight powers of parliament – is directly related to the legal and systemic guarantees of protection of the principles ruled by law. It has a well established parliamentary tradition in the European continental states. Its origins date back to the French Republic III and it is necessary to distinguish it from the British questions. In spite of, the original function of interpellation has been changed. This article presents the evolution of this institution in Sejm. The subject of this analysis includes a description of the legal regulation of interpellation in next historic periods in Poland: from the interwar two decades – by the period of communist system – for the constitution of the Third Republic of Poland, 2 April 1997, and answers to the following questions: • How the role of interpellation is determined by the introduced state structure? • Whether the political situation in state effects on the purpose and the efficiency of interpellation? • How feautures of the modern democratic state like strong executive authority, well organized political parties and an the activity of interest group effect on oversight powers of Sejm executing with assistance of interpellation? • What is today’s role of interpellation and what is its future in the Polish parliamentarism? The role and purpose of the institution of interpellation as the one of measures of oversight of Sejm should be considered in close relation with elements of political construction of parliamentary government, particularly with the principle of political accountability of the Council of Ministers and its members to the Sejm. Its scope covers all areas of activity of the government and government administration. The activity of members of Sejm in this range should be treated as particularly important platform of exerting influence by parliament on the government. Now the amount of interpellation in Sejm is very big but its political quality and efficiency weak, what brings interpellation nearer to questions. It is necessary to change the way of using this institution of oversight by members of Sejm, what requires the greater political consciousness and the reinforcement the position of the Polish parliament.

The Political System in the Republic of Poland: Its Characteristics  and the Diagnosis of Doubts. Introductory Remarks

The shaping of structural and functional relations between bodies of state authority is one of the key characteristics of any political system and – at the juridical level – of any constitutional system. The choice of basic solutions in this regard determines the method of exercising authority in the state, i.e. its system of rule; also referred to as a system of government. From the methodological perspective, we may distinguish at least two levels of the analysis of the state power mechanism (referred to as the „system of government”), i.e. the normative (constitutional-legal) system of government and the practical (political-behavioural) one. In Poland, when developing the constitutional „system of government,” in the course of work on the drafts of the 1997 Constitution of the Republic of Poland, the relevant points of reference included: a) the parliamentary-cabinet system (particularly in the „rationalized” form), b) the parliamentary-presidential system (referred to as, quite ambiguously, an „indirect system”), and – to a lesser degree - the „system of presidential rule” (presidential system).

The Institution of the Oath of Office of Head of State in European States

This article as one of the first in legal – not only polish-language – literature presents a comparative analysis of the issue of a head of state’s oath of office. The paper underlines differences, similarities and peculiarities in legal regulations of the institution of the oath of office in regard to European presidents and monarchs. The study touches especially on such topics as the oath formula, its optional or obligatory religious dimension, the time of taking the oath, the subject which officially receives it, consequences of taking the oath and legal effects of the oath’s infringement. The basic normative analysis, both on constitutional and statutory level, was supplemented with remarks on the practice of the given institution, for example the oath’s taking ceremony. Description of presidential or royal authority in particular states is not complete without a reference to the institution of the oath of office. The arguments undertaken in the article aim to prove that the title subject cumulates several relevant issues, which are noteworthy for jurisprudence. Taking the oath of office by any president or monarch is not so much a solemn symbolic event as conventional activity important in view of the legal order.

Racial Discrimination Serving Peace? The European Court of  Human Rights Judgment in the Sejdić and Finci Case as a Trigger for  Constitutional Reform in Bosnia and Herzegovina

The paper offers an evaluation of the political system of Bosnia and Herzegovina as formed according to the Dayton General Framework Agreement. In the Sejdić i Finci case, the ECtHR ruled, that the constitutional provisions pertaining to the elections to the Presidency being the collective head of state and to the higher chamber of the Bosnian parliament constitute racial discrimination which is not compatible with the European Convention on Human Rights and its protocol nr 12. This situation makes constitutional changes necessary, which, however, up to now, have not been implemented. The judgment also exemplifies the dysfunctionality of the Bosnian constitutional order which durably consolidates the domination of nationalist parties. Accordingly, no consensus can be reached for any constitutional reforms whatsoever. The efforts of the international community to reform Bosnian ethnocratic governmental system have not brought about any break-through. The paper also explains the political concept of consocietalism implemented by the Dayton constitution and discusses alternative concepts of power sharing in states plagued by ethnic conflicts.

The European and National Definition of Politically Exposed Person  in the Light of the Constitutional Principle of Equality

The concept of Politically Exposed Person is inextricably linked with money laundering and responds in some measure to cases where person entrusted with a prominent public function has introduced profits coming from illegal or undisclosed sources into the legitimate financial system. The cases of power abuse confirmed and still continue to confirm the words of Charles de Montesquieu, who stated in his book ‘The Spirit of the Laws’ that ‘every man invested with power is apt to abuse it, and to carry his authority as far as it will go’. This idea was expressed more explicitly by John Emerich Edward Dalberg Acton who said ‘Power tends to corrupt, absolute power corrupts absolutely’. Therefore, it can be considered that implemented regulations regarding Politically Exposed Person were designed to provide institutional mechanisms for automatically excluding or minimizing the abuse of power by person entrusted with a prominent public function. This article examines relationship between the national definition of Politically Exposed Person and the definition established by the legislature of the European Union. Moreover, it presents the analysis of the national concept from the perspective of the constitutional principle of equality. Both aspects have important implications on the essence of the Politically Exposed Person definition and indicate the possibility of further analysis from the perspective of The Constitution and EU law. Above all, they should answer the question of whether the institutional frameworks are indeed effective in combating money laundering by Politically Exposed Person.

Freedom of Economic Activity in the  Polish Constitutional Tribunal Judicature

The present publication constitutes an attempt of a sectional overview of the previous jurisdiction of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal on the subject of freedom of economic activity regulated under article 20 and article 22 of the Polish Constitution. Objective analysis begins with the description of double nature of the freedom of economic activity that is interpreted by the Tribunal as a constitutional principle (rule of law) as well as one of the fundamental rights. The presentation concerns itself also with the type of the interrelationship between these two ways of expression of the analysed freedom. Further on, the presentation concentrates on the admissibility of the limitation of the freedom of economic activity. Analysis of the jurisdiction of the Constitutional Tribunal indicates, that the legal limits of the legislator’s interference within the scope of the freedom of economic activity comes out not just as „of important public interest” under article 22 of the Polish Constitution, but also has its basis in article 31 section 3, that formulates the principle of proportionality. The article ends up with an attempt to resume the jurisdiction of the Polish Constitutional Tribunal on the subject of freedom of the economic activity as well as attempts to answer the question if, under jurisdiction of the Constitutional Tribunal, the present freedom has already taken a fully formed shape and meaning.

„Zagadnienia Sądownictwa Konstytucyjnego” 2011, No. 1–2, The Scientific Journal  of the Bureau of Constitutional Tribunal, review, (Sebastian Kubas)

The International Scientific Conference on: Sposoby zapewniania udziału  w głosowaniu obywateli przebywających za granicą, Łódź, 17 October 2011,  report, (Radosław Zych)

The article describes the institutions that the European Community Treaties, yesterday, and the Treaty of Lisbon, today, introduced in order to strengthen democracy in the European institutions, promoting the connection between rulers and ruled. The study concludes that, in the current context, the European Union democratic strengthening seems to pass through the introduction of institutions that - in addition to promoting democratic representation - are able to allow the participation of citizens in taking policy decisions, implementing the participatory democratic model. In this sense, a positive example, according to the Treaty of Lisbon, is the introduction of the legislative initiative proposed by the EU citizens (art. 11, paragraph 4 of the EU Treaty, and Article 24 of TFEU). Actually, such provision has to be considered as a significant "step forward" toward the democratic strengthening: it is an institution that allows citizens to participate in one of the most important functions of the EU, i.e. the legislative function. Even more important, as it refers to the initiative stage. Therefore, it permits European citizens to stimulate the European action in areas which peoples of Europe feel highly important.

The Implementation of the Principle of Equal Suffrage in the Election  to the Councils of Cities with County Rights

Polish Electoral Code, which came into force in 2011, only slightly changed the rules of election of the councils of cities with county rights. Consequently, if the implementation of the principle of formal aspect of equal suffrage (equal voting rights) in the elections to these councils is undoubted that the material aspect of that rule (equal voting power) is controversial. This is due to the existence of relatively small constituencies, in which the number of seats based on the number of inhabitants, and not the number of electors or actually voting people. Another problem concerns the division of seats in those councils with d’Hondt method, which is the PR-system favorable for the largest political groups. Additionally, as practice shows, we have to make reservations if way of financing the electoral campaign does not affect the third aspect of the principle of equal elections – equality of opportunity. As a result we can say that the code very narrowly defined the equality of elections to the councils of cities with county rights.

Freedom of the parliamentary election in the Constitution of Republic  of Poland

In the article there is presented the issue of the freedom of the parliamentary election in the Polish Constitution from 2nd April 1997. In the beginning there was explained the comprehending of freedom of parliamentary election in the legal and political plain. There was established that analysed principle wasn’t directly determined amongst constitutional rules of voting rights. On the basis of quoted argumentation there was explained that it isn’t tantamount to its elimination from the electoral system. Even without distinct distinguishing this principle is a found notion, permanently written down to the Polish electoral system. Its functioning is finding expression in numerous guarantee rules.

Early parliamentary elections in Macedonia in 2011 and its consequences  for the Macedonian party system

In this article I point to the three reasons for a dissolution of the Macedonian parliament in 2011: the conflict between the government and opposition private media, the inefficient foreign policy and the difficult economic situation. Based on the analysis of the last election’s results I advance the thesis that the political crisis in Macedonia in the period 2008-2010 did not disturb the stability of the political scene and the early election showed how ‘frozen’ remains Macedonian party system.

Deprivation of civil rights as a criminal in the aspect of voting rights

The Polish legal system excludes certain categories of persons from the group have the right to vote (and thus they do not have the right to be elected). The Constitution of the art. Paragraph 62. 2 provides that the right to vote is not entitled to such persons deprived of their civil rights by a final court judgment, or as a result of the institution of criminal law – one from the penalty. Moreover, the 0right to vote shall not be entitled persons deprived of their voting rights by a final judgment of the Court of State. It is a spontaneous deprivation of voting rights (while leaving other public rights), a penalty adjudicated by the Court in resolving the legal liability of persons holding the highest positions in the state. The existence of the measure or criminal penalties in the literature is treated as so. „Clauses negative” because the cause deprivation of electoral rights. Moreover, these reasons for limiting the scope of these rights are regarded as „socially and morally justified”. In the catalog of punitive measures set out in art. 39 k.k. vain to seek the penalty in the form of deprivation of voting rights for public authorities. According to the wording of art. 40 § 2 k.k. it is only one of several elements that make up the substance of a measure of criminal deprivation of civil rights. Considerations made this show that the deprivation of civil rights as a criminal and the deprivation of voting rights as a punishment take on major importance for the practical implementation of symptoms and the electoral rights of these reflections are not purely theoretical.

System of Government of the Republic of Poland in the light  of the proposals of its changes

System of government of the Republic of Poland, based upon the Constitution of 2 April 1997, is considered as an appropriate. It created a base for the stable governments and alternation of power without conflicts. Since its introduction, not major government’s crisis was noted. Some tensions between President and the Premier Minister has occurred, however, during a cohabitation between President Lech Kaczyński and Premier Minister Donald Tusk (1997–2000). Controversies in the question of representation of the Republic of Poland in the European Council has been solved by the Constitutional Tribunal. It occurred however a problem, whether level of 3/5 to override presidential veto is not too high in situation, when President has backed an opposition and make impossible to fulfill the fundamental reforms introduced by the Committee of Ministers. The death of President Kaczyński make this controversies un-actual. When occasion of changes of Constitution may occurred, this problem should be analyzed in the context of rationalization of those regulation.

Bundestag and Bundesrat stance towards European integration in the light  of the „Lisbon” judgement of the Federal Constitutional Court

It is difficult not to voice the assessment, that the „Lisbon” judgement of the Federal Constitutional Court carries all features not of the legislative decisions, but the political ones. This statement may be justified with a fact, that Tribunal’s objections are directed ultimately not towards lack of proper regulations relating to the Treaty, but against the Lisbon Treaty itself. But because its ratification should not have been stopped, the surrounding legislation has been used as an excuse to express reservations against the Lisbon Treaty. This means – from the formal point of view – both Treaty and Act Approving the Treaty are flawless. At the same time, it is difficult to forget, that the same Court, indirectly with this judgement contravened one of the fundamental of the constitutional rules, that is ban to formulate these kind of opinion which acceptance would lead to the (in this case) change of the Treaty or at least to express objection(s) according to the international law.

Institution of President’s oath of office in the Polish legal order

The President’s oath of office is a solemn declaration taken in the presence of the National Assembly by which a new head of state swears to be faithful to the provisions of the Constitution; to steadfastly safeguard the dignity of the Nation, the independence and security of the State, and also that the good of the Homeland and the prosperity of its citizens shall forever remain his supreme obligation. The oath of office has been taken by all Presidents of the Republic of Poland, from Gabriel Narutowicz in 1922 to Bronisław Komorowski in 2010. Over the span of 90 years the words and the form of the oath of office were subject to changes. In the interwar period, the President’s oath of office was religious in nature and was articulated in following words „I swear to Almighty God, One in the Holy Trinity”. After World War II, i.e. between 1947 and 1952, the President’s oath of office partially lost its sacral dimension, although it was still ended with obligatory Invocatio Dei. Nowadays, namely from 1992, secular oath of office may also be optionally taken with the additional sentence „So help me, God”. President’s oath of office is an example of a specific type of legal institution that originated from interaction between different normative systems. This institution combines law with morality, religion and custom. Legal relevancy of the President’s oath of office reveals itself in the fact that swearing-in is a condition which President has to fulfill to take over the office. Whereas infringement of the oath of office can be one of the grounds, rather than the only ground, for Presidential impeachment before The Tribunal of State. Swearing-in is a crucial element of Presidential inauguration. Official schedule of the first day of the Presidential term also contains taking control of the Armed Forces and receiving insignia of the two highest polish orders (The Order of the White Eagle and The Order of Polonia Restituta). The President also participates in the Eucharist held in the Archcathedral in Warsaw, which is rather a private ceremony. Characteristic of the given institution requires not only the analysis of the law but also its practice. Analysis of statues and other normative acts should be accompanied by empirical case study.

The rule of the statutory imposition of taxes and public responsibilities  in view of art. 217 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997

The Constitution, as the basic law, limits arbitrariness of legislators enacting executive acts concerning the tax law. In the process of interpretation of the tax law, special attention should be paid to Articles 84 and 217 of the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997. Pursuant to Article 84 of the Polish Constitution „Everyone shall comply with his responsibilities and public duties, including the payment of taxes, as specified by statute.” The above-mentioned Article introduces the principle of equality and universality of taxation, which signifies the right of the state to impose financial duties on certain subjects, without the corresponding obligation on the part of the state. This right results from the state authority and binding decisions of the competent state organ. Furthermore, Article 217 of the Constitution stipulates that: „The imposition of taxes, as well as other public imposts, the specification of those subject to the tax and the rates of taxation, as well as the principles for granting tax reliefs and remissions, along with categories of taxpayers exempt from taxation, shall be by means of statute.” It follows from the quoted Article that the whole process of shaping the tax law and imposing duties on citizens is controlled by the state which exercises its authority by means of enacting laws exclusively by the Parliament. The principle of legislation exclusivity specified in the discussed Article 217 of the Polish Constitution of 1997 and mentioned in Article 84 of the Constitution, refers directly to the imposition powers of the state which determines the way of charging public duties by the legislator, taking into account the contents and mode of their imposition. Therefore, any kind of legislator’s interference with financial matters of citizens can occur only in the form of a legal act fulfilling the contents requirements specified by the Constitution.

Ordering with the self-government organs of assignments in light  of Article 166 item 2 of the Constitution – selected problems

In accordance with art. 166 it. 2 of the Constitution83 if it results from the justified needs of the state, an act can order the territorial government bodies to execute different public tasks. The act shall specify the manner of transmitting and manner of execution of the ordered tasks. The ordered tasks can be imposed on the territorial government bodies beyond the act also on the basis of arrangement with the government administration body or other territorial government body. Text regarding the administrative arrangement includes the attempt at defining the notion, in particular by indicating of its significant characteristics, as well as comparing the administrative arrangement with municipal understanding. Legal bases for administrative arrangement were indicated, as well as discrepant opinions on the legal character of these arrangements presented in the legal literature. The subject matter of administrative arrangement is cooperation of independent entities ordered by the law and rules, undertaken in order to realize a desirable situation. Entering into administrative arrangement shall cause voluntary resignation from specified tasks and competences by the voivode for the benefits of the specified bodies. Entrusting of tasks to the commune by the voivode should be connected with transfer of competences necessary for execution of these tasks. Doubtless benefit of administrative arrangement is the possibility of adjustment of realities of execution of specified tasks to the local needs and bringing the tasks which are the subject matter of the arrangement closer to the inhabitants, in particular those, which seem to be of local character./p>

Europe of Rights: A Compendium on the European Convention on Human Rights,  eds Javier Garcia Roca, Pablo Santolaya, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers,  Leiden–Boston 2012, pp. 672, (review), Leszek Garlicki

80th anniversary of birthday of Professor Kazimierz Działocha on:  „Prawo w służbie państwu i społeczeństwu”, Wrocław, 30 January 2012,  (report), Sylwia Jarosz-Żukowska, Agnieszka Łukaszczuk

II Nationwide Conference on: „Prawno-etyczne aspekty  prześladowań chrześcijan w kontekście rezolucji Unii Europejskiej”,  Wydział Prawa i Administracji Uniwersytetu Opolskiego, 8 November 2011,  (report), Aleksandra Wilk

The Small Constitution of 1947 – its origin and value

The paper discusses the patterns and some details of the Constitutional Act of 19th February 1947 on the system and scope of activity of the supreme organs of the Republic of Poland, which is also called the Small Constitution of 1947. The Small Constitution being a 65 year – old law is still under the historians and constitutional law scholars scrutiny and appraisal. In the light of certain studies it seems that this Act, previously read as an attempt to combine traditional democratic principles with the newly adopted communist rules of government, was more facade and a pretense than a true democratic device. It adopted the separation of powers principle and parliamentary rule (the parliamentary cabinet model). Despite the fact that the Small Constitution incorporated many provisions directly from the March Constitution of 1921, the scope of their legal and practical modification led to their distortion. The position and competences of the Legislative Sejm, the President, and the newly established Council of State were inconsistent with the separation of powers and the parliamentary system of government, as well. The detailed responsibilities of the Sejm, Council of State, the President opened the way to adoption of Soviet Union model of government. Thus, the role of the Small Constitution was to legitimize a communist authority and not to limit its powers. The same is true when we focus on the citizens rights and freedoms. The Declaration of realization of citizen rights and freedoms of February 22nd 1947 did not create the legal standards and guaranties of individual freedoms and rights. On the contrary, the constitutional status of individual was the result of current legislation. Under the rule of the Small Constitution, because of its temporary and incomplete nature, the “new authority” paved the way to enactment of the Constitution of 1952 modeled after the Stalin constitution.

The importance of the budget act from the perspective of financial  and constitutional law

The presented publication is an attempt to determine, from the perspective of the financial and constitutional law at the same time, the basic place and role that the budget act has in the political system of the Republic of Poland. The budget act is one of the most important programme documents of the state, on the basis of which the government manages the financial economy in a large measure. The Cabinet of the Republic of Poland, together with its ministers, is politically responsible for drawing up the budget bill, submitting it to the Sejm promptly and – after the budget year commences – executing the regulations after passing the bill, and finally reporting on how the regulations were executed. Difficulties and doubts that arise when concerning the budget procedure and carrying out the duty of the Cabinet to submit the budget bill in a given time limit are due to the fact that this deadline coincides with the parliamentary election, which could cause a possible change in the line-up in politics and, consequently, in the government. The existing legislature does not entirely eliminate (however, through the so-called emergency procedures, it does considerably minimise the risk of) a situation when, although the budget year commences, neither the state budget nor its normatively acceptable substitute is passed. It seems advisable to implement constitutional and statutory regulations that would be the solution to the lack of the normative fundamentals to carry out the financial policy of the state and eliminate the situation of the so-called budget void.

Forgotten symbol. Changes of legal status of the  Banner of the Republic of Poland

The Banner of the Republic of Poland established in August 1919 was asignated to the Chief of State and afterwards to the President of the Republic of Poland. It was also used during momentous state ceremonies. The Banner of the Republic of Poland established on the 27th December 1927 was used exclusively by the President of the Republic of Poland – with the exception of the funeral of Józef Piłsudski when it covered the marshal’s coffin. The banner was taken away to London in 1939 by President Ignacy Mościcki. It was used by the emigre presidents between 1945 and 1990. It was conveyed to President Lech Wałęsa on the 22nd December 1990 by the last emigre president, Ryszard Kaczorowski. Under the communist regime in Poland the flag of the head of the state was used. It was a banner based on the banner of 1927, though without a crown on eagle’s head. It was introduced without any legal regulations. During President Bolesław Bierut’s term of Office it flew over his headquarter. It was officially abolished in 1955, though later on it was used by the prime minister and by the president of the State Council in the 60’s. In post-communist Poland a new flag was established, the present pattern of the coat of arms is consistent with that of 1989, though the crown was returned to the eagle’s head. Similar alterations affected the military flags and other special flags. One of the special flags is the Pennant of the President of the Republic of Poland, the pattern of which was defined in January 1996.

The constitutional principle of equality before the law  under the act on provision of business information

Article describes the constitutional principle of equal rights and equality before the law in relation to the legal regulation adopted by the Law on access to economic and business data exchange. The solutions are normative problem of the investigation and recording of claims in relation to natural and legal persons shall be indicated on the regularization inequality within the same category of entities that are creditors. The author of the example of regulating the conduct of debtors’ register shows the legal unreasonable preference to legal persons and natural persons conducting economic activity relative to individuals not conducting business. The legislature preferential treatment by creditors operating freely in business, who claims to be registered do not need to obtain an enforcement order confirming the existence and enforceability of the debt. Meanwhile, individuals are treated differently in the settlement of their right to demonstrate in the same register their claims. This regulation is unconstitutional solution, because it is inconsistent with the constitutional principle of equal rights.

The place of constitutional right to health prevention in the system  of the freedoms and rights of persons and citizens

The right to health prevention protects one of the most important values of each person. The regulations concerning the right to health prevention are grounded in the article 68 of the April 2nd 1997 Constitution. In the Constitution the right to health prevention is placed among social, economic and cultural rights. However the construction of constitutional regulations and relationship of the right to health prevention to different regulations, in particular to the rule of respect of human dignity and the right to protection of human life shows the personal character of this right. The method of classification of the right to health prevention has very important role for determining how to implement it and for the range of warranty of protection.

The Ballots in Judicature

This text concerns the institution of ballot and its functions in judicature. Author analyses in details procedures of fortuity, which replaced the argumentation of parties and the influence of such methods (“unfactual fortune”) on verdict in the judicial processes. The issue of dividing the judicature and the power of adjudication from other functions and objects of power is analysed also in this text. Author writes a lot about procedures of ballot of jury as a relict of influence the fortune on adjudication and role of this procedure in guaranteeing the impartiality of judges.

Research on the constitutionality of martial law. Remarks based on the  Constitutional Tribunal’s judgment of 16 March 2011

The Article concerns the power of the Constitutional Tribunal for examination of currently out-of-dated legislation. It was assumed that the judgment of Constitutional Tribunal of 16 March 2011 stating unconstitutionality of the State Council decrees of 12 December 1981 on martial law is of fundamental importance. Historical aspects of martial state may still evoke understandable political and ideological emotions, which however should be excluded from legal considerations. The Author reconstructs assumptions presented by the Constitutional Tribunal, and afterwards provides analysis from the point of view of constitutional standards in force. Moreover, the Author is interested in effects of recognition of currently outdated legislation as unconstitutional. The text and presented ideas are constructed to inspire further discussions.

Legal means of filibustering

This article aims at an attempt to analyze the phenomenon of filibustering, with respect to the legal means used by members of parliament to disturb the legislative procedure. The right to such action stems from the essence of the political opposition itself and can be construed as a last resort in the area of expressing objections to the actions of the majority, while not being illegal. Filibustering is a common phenomenon in all of the well-developed, democratic political systems, which do not penalize such action, moreover, in which the parliamentary tradition or the internal provisions of parliamentary statutes create an opportunity to legally disturb the legislative process. Furthermore, this article concerns the matter of reducing the occurrence of

Constitutional legal formula to “competent court”  and the control over the activities of the public administration  exercised by the administrative courts

The purpose of this publication was to present – by recalling the writings and the jurisdiction of The Constitutional Tribunal – the meaning of the constitutional term “competent court” and then to demonstrate whether the valid administrative jurisdiction procedure provides an individual with the right to the “competent court” in the cases from the scope of the control over the activities of the public administration exercised by the administrative courts. In the light of the conducted analysis, it may be stated that the valid model of the administrative jurisdiction; which essence is to eliminate from the conduct of legal transactions these acts and activities of the public administration that are against the law; is in accordance with the constitutional assumptions of the law to the competent court, and by which it enacts the right for the individual to the legal protection of their rights.

The consumer’s right to information on the example  of consumer credit – constitutional and legal aspects

Article consists of three parts. The first deals with a constitutional basis of consumer protection through the means of information. Second consists of a comparative analysis of the directives 87/102 and 2008/48. In the third part provisions of law of the consumer credit from 2001 and 2011 are examined.

Transatlantic Legal Forum „Konstytucjonalizm w kryzysie?”,  Hamburg, 28–29 October 2011, (report), Marcin Przybysz

Global Election Day 2012, Toruń, 2 February 2012, (report), Radosław Zych

Commentary on the Constitutional Court judgement of 6 July 2011  sign. file P 12/09 issued in full force

Polish Input in Building European Structures

The article is devoted to the process of creating European structures after 1990, and in particular the actions taken by the representatives of the Polish state. An effective process of bringing Poland closer to the European structures began with the actions that were aimed at establishing Poland’s membership in the Council of Europe; those actions, however, were also aimed at obtaining member status in other specialized organizations, such as: the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD), the International Energy Agency (IEA), and the Nuclear Energy Agency (NEA). These accessions were followed with a crowning achievement of obtaining a full member status in the NATO. Nevertheless, it was accession to the EU that required particular engagement from all environments, including both political and academic. The author, who was directly involved in those events, pays particular attention to the works and output of the Convention on the Future of Europe (the European Convention).

Constitutional Complaint as a Means of Human Rights Protection. Contribution to the discussion

At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, regulating rights and freedoms, and in particular the means of their ensuring, was the essence of constitutionalism. Recently, in Poland there is a rising wave of critique of the way constitutional complaint is regulated by law. In its current shape, as provided in the Article 79 of the Polish Constitution, it cannot fulfil its basic function, which is the protection of human rights. A reform that would widen the subjective scope of the protection that grants rights for lodging a complaint against law enforcement acts is required. Similarly unfavourable for the protection of human rights in the proceeding initiated by a complaint is the use of Article 190, section 3 of the Constitution and this is the reason why the “privilege of benefits” should be positively assessed. The essence of the complaint, as a means of human rights protection, is negated by the Supreme Court of the Republic of Poland, which ruled of the possibility of applying Article 190, section 4 of the Constitution in the case when the Polish Constitutional Tribunal passes a so-called interpretative judgement. In the current state of law and considering the position of the Supreme Court, a reform of the constitutional complaint seems the more necessary. Thus, it shall comply with the vision of the contemporary constitutionalism.

The Main Factors Determining the Process of Shaping the Basis of the Polish Parliamentary System in the First Stage of the Political Transformation (1989–1991)

The article is devoted to the functioning of the Polish parliamentary system during the period of the political transformation in the years 1989–1991. A study of the phenomena that occurred in those times is particularly important in connection with the fact that it was then when the systemic position of the Polish parliament was taking shape. The years 1989–1991 were especially important as they included political decisions made by the Round Table, their systemic realization in the Constitutional Amendment of April 7, 1989 and the following elections statutes for the Seym and the Senate, as well as in the constitutional output of the Seym of the 10th term and the Senate of the 1st term and in the practice of both chambers of the parliament. Those transformations were obviously based on two rudimentary fundaments: a new shape of the parliament, especially in terms of its creation and structure, and in reactivation the office of the president. Both spheres were interconnected both on the systemic plain and – which determined the specific character of this system – also on the political plain.

Polish Citizenship Act of April 2, 2009 – Selected Remarks

The article regards to the problem of Polish citizenship and it is directly related to the new Act on Polish Citizenship enacted by the Parliament on 2nd of April 2009. It contains analysis of basic rules and main law changes that have been introduced by mentioned above normative act. It also contains comparative remarks to solutions of a previous act on the Polish citizenship. The article contains 7 parts. Each part regards to chapters of the Act and its provisions which the author has considered the most interesting and the most important. The author acknowledges that the new Act on Polish Citizenship establishes two new ways of obtaining Polish nationality (restoring of nationality and annulling resolutions of the Council of Ministers which have deprived some people of their Polish nationality). The Act on Polish Citizenship repeats some drawbacks of the previous law act. It is mistake that the President’s decisions dealing with granting Polish nationality couldn’t be challenged (appealed) to administrative courts. Citizens also shouldn’t lost their Polish nationality without their application. Such a solution is a violation of the 34’th article of the Polish Constitution. The new Act on Polish Citizenship also has some strong points. Firstly, it puts problems connected with Polish nationality in order. Its provisions take into account the solutions of the international law and European Union law.

A Few Remarks on the Institution of the European Citizens' Initiative in the European Union

The article includes a critical analysis of chosen aspects of the institution of the citizens’ initiative in the European Union. It was introduced to the legal system of the EU by the Treaty of Lisbon and by Regulation No 211/2011 of the European Parliament and the Council of 16 February 2011. The examined issue has not been discussed comprehensively in the legal literature yet. On the one hand, the author gives his assent about such elements of the citizens’ initiative in the EU as the minimum number of countries from which signatories must come and the minimum number of signatories from one Member State, i.e. issues which should be apparently the most controversial. On the other hand, in the main part of the study, the author tries to argue that the form and nature of the initiative should be assessed negatively. Unformulated form of the above-mentioned institution may lead to deformation or misinterpretation of citizens’ proposal by the European Commission. Furthermore, the indirect character of the citizens’ initiative entitled to state that we do not deal with a variety of “legislative initiative” but rather with a variety of “legislative inspiration”. To sum up, the author anticipates that the examined political institution will not contribute to solve the problem known as “democratic deficit” in the EU. His opinion is based on a general remark that without changing the actual, liberal model of European integration on the republican one, there are no prospects to ensure effective participation of EU citizens in public life.

Constitutional Right to Access Public Information

One of the key elements determining modern democracies and interchangeably bound with their functioning is the guaranteed access to public information. This right might be pursued in various ways, often differently in identical factual and legal states of affairs. Therefore, it is indispensable to expressly determine the spectrum of units that are obliged to make certain data available, as well as indicate the exact scope of information that shall be available. The enforcement of precise provisions concerning the access to information is essential as it allows the implementation of a constitutional principle of a democratic state founded on the rule of law, as well as evokes the consciousness raising and civic attitude in society.

Legal Protection of Cultural Assets – Terminological Problems

In article the author occupies herself with the issue of the lack of any uniform or precise terminology in the normative regulation in a such specific domain as the legal protection of the cultural goods. By creating the protection mechanisms for the widely defined cultural goods in the Constitution and the other legal acts the lawmaker used several different terms to define similar fields of legal norms’ usage. The research based on the Constitution and located on the ground of the law that specifies preservation and caretaking of historic monuments enabled the author to perceive some fallacies, that can even be called shortages, in the same field, as the polish law is considered as well as its relation to the international law. In the first part of the article the author presents terminology that is being used in the sphere of the legal protection of cultural goods in the international law. Afterwards she considers the terminology used for defining the same field in the Polish Constitution. In the next part of her thesis she introduces the terminology employed on the ground of polish law pointing out that the legislator uses numerous legal terms for the same field. This leads her to the conclusion about the lack of terminological discipline showed by the legislator, which effects, as she sees it, in the attenuation of the legal protection and even in developing of the legal gap.

Ecological Safety and Waste Management in the Light of the Constitutional Law

This article is an attempt to present the relationship between constitutional law, ecological security and management of waste. The constitution of the Republic of Poland treats the duty of the protection of the natural environment like very important part of the policy of state. The public authorities shall pursue policies ensuring the ecological security, but the Constitution don’t explain how this duty should be realized. This problem on base of constitutional law is very complex, because the regulations of the Constitution are very general and concern on the one hand the duties of the public authorities and on the second hand – the human rights. First, it needs to explain what is the obligation of public authorities to ensure ecological security and how the public authorities should realize this duty, especially on the area of management of waste. Second problem is the essence of the right to ecological security. This right was classified like social right. This form of classification affects the method of implementation this right and the level of protection. The last problem is the influence of EU law into national law and the changes of polish law in this area.

Trilateral Commission for Social and Economic Affairs as an Example of Institutionalization of Democracy

The subject of the article is the institutionalization of democracy in Poland on the example of the Tripartite Commission for Socio-Economic. This issue should be considered in the context of democratic principles such as implementation the principles of social justice. In the author’s opinion, democracy makes possible, and at the same time imposes an obligation on the state to create institutions and legal standards for the proper functioning of a market economy. A special role in this process is a dialogue between the social partners taking place within the Tripartite Commission for Socio-Economic. The article presents the legal and socio-political conditions affecting the creation of Commission and briefly describes the function, role and powers of Commission in accordance with Act of 6 July 2001 about Tripartite Commission for Socio-Economic Issues and voivodship social dialogue commissions, published in Dz.U. No. 100, item 1080 of 18 September 2001, as amended. Article focuses on the institutionalization of democracy, which according to the author’s conviction is a synthesis between the governments of the people and the rule of the law.

Scientific Conference „Konstytucjonalizm w państwach anglosaskich”, Cracow, May 24–25, 2012, (report), Łukasz Jakubiak