One of the many divisions of security exposed in the literature dealing with it is the ambivalent division into positive and negative security, which sometimes, somehow combined and mutually limiting, manifest themselves in normal and real security. Starting from this distinction, I develop their descriptions based on Erich Fromm’s explanations of a healthy, sick, and normal society. Simultaneously, I argue that sick societies pursue negative security by preferring war and destruction, while healthy societies pursue positive security by preferring love, peace, and creative activity. It is a preference based on striving, in the case of a healthy society and positive security, “to be”, as Fromm states, and in the case of a sick society and negative security, “to have”, and finally, in the case of normal security, to mutually limiting “to have” and “to be”. I deepen this description by referring to the thought of Bertrand Russell, in which positive and good security is defined “as one that should be by itself”, and negative and bad “as one that should not be by itself”. On the other hand, by bolding and broadening this description, I associate positive security (based on “to be”) with the concept of “civilisation of love”, “civilization of life”, and “civilization of brotherhood”, while negative security (embedded in “to have”) with “civilisation of killing”, “civilisation of overkilling”, and “civilisation of death”, and finally, normal security (embedded on mutually limiting “to be” and “to have”) with the liberal civilisation of security and control.

The inspiration of this text is the belief of the Pythagoreans that the roots and source of complete knowledge is the quadruple expressed in the “arch-four”, also called as tetractys. Hence the hypothesis considered in this paper is: the basis of the philosophy of social sciences is entangled in these four valours, manifested in what is “general and necessary” (scientific) in social life, the first and universal as to the “principles and causes” of this life (theoretically philosophical) and “which can be different in it” (practically philosophical) and “intuitive”. The quadruple appears with different clarity in the history of human thought, which seeks clarification and understanding of the things being cognised, including such a thing as society. It is exposed in the oath of the Pythagoreans, the writings of Plato and Aristotle, who applied these four valours, among other things, in distinguishing the four types of knowledge and learning about the first four causes and principles. This fourfold division seems to be experiencing a renaissance in contemporary theological-cognitive holism and can be treated as an expressive, a “hard core”, and the basis of research not only of social but mainly of global society as a social system. This entanglement of the foundations of the philosophy of the social sciences leads to the suggestion of defining this philosophy as the knowledge of social being composed of “what is general and necessary” (scientific), genetically first, universal (theoretically philosophical) and “being able to be different” (philosophically practical) and intuitive.

The article recounts the changes in the security perception of Poles after the outbreak of the coronavirus (SARS-CoV-2) pandemic. Upon utilisation of comparative empirical research carried out in 2020 and 2021, using the diagnostic survey method with the survey techniques, the conclusion confirmed that Poles’ sense of security decreased in 2020 and 2021. According to the respondents’ answers, the most frequent explanation for declining security perception coincides with the threat of contracting the coronavirus. Those include losing a job due to the restrictions introduced in economic activity, determined by the appearance of the coronavirus, and the introduction of restrictions on movement in connection with the occurrences of COVID-19. In addition, the study found that the respondents’ most frequently chosen methods of improving their sense of security include using personal protective equipment, avoiding contact with other people, and refraining from leaving their homes.

As a long-term researcher and active participant in the rescue and humanitarian international aid coordination action, the author undertakes the analysis of changes that have occurred since the inception of the legal basis and international crisis coordination structures, focusing on the increasing role of the European Union Civil Protection Mechanism. The material contains not only the analysis of normative documents and a comprehensive description of the pillars of European civil protection but also practical examples of the European mechanism’s increasing involvement in actions outside the Union over two decades and during the COVID-19 pandemic. The article contains examples of material and hardware-based humanitarian aid implemented for Ukraine and a comprehensive systemic approach to Polish civil protection represented by the State Fire Service in preparation for Ukrainian representatives to be familiar with the European Civil Protection mechanism. Numerous examples of activating the mechanism from the Polish perspective are shown both from the perspective of the aid recipient (fire in Biebrza National Park in 2020) and the donor (Lebanon blast in 2020, earthquake in Nepal 2015, forest fires in France 2022 or support to Ukraine).

China’s modern power is based on traditional sources: territory size, demographics, economy, and army. An important factor of power is soft power, which is based on culture, foreign policy (including economics), and values. Chinese soft power resources have an old tradition and the possibility of using them is large, and most importantly, in the current international environment, they can use them to gain and maintain an advantage over competitors. The article presents the elements of China’s soft power that determine its advantage over other countries and the weaknesses that may limit its influence. It largely determines the research methods used: statistics and system analysis. The latter method makes it possible to determine the scale of China’s influence and the chances of using them in the 21st century.

The problem of distribution and consumption of intoxicating substances is considered a socially harmful phenomenon and Southeast Asia is a region particularly affected by drugs. In the face of this challenge, the heads of many states undertake radical actions, going beyond the legal framework, referred to as state vigilantism. Based on the example of three selected political leaders (Thaksin Shinawatra, Rodrigo Duterte and Joko Widodo), the author points out how radical strategies for fighting the drug problem contribute to increasing popularity, even though the problem has not been resolved since the early 1970s. Cross-comparison analysis of the three mentioned cases aims at identifying sources of effectiveness and attractiveness of populist methods that have not changed significantly for fifty years. Among them the author argues that vigilantism grows out of populism and takes the form of a spectacle containing such elements as dehumanising discourse, extrajudicial killings and the theme of the nation’s morality at risk.

Among current global threats, the risk of developing an emergency requires a comprehensive approach from all entities involved in crisis management. Despite the advanced technologies available to predict each threat, taking appropriate countermeasures is often impossible. Often the best solution is to prepare in advance and act efficiently after the occurrence of a given threat event. It is also crucial to implement the latest methods and solutions that allow for better preparation and response in case of an emergency. This article presents the results of the analysis of the use of modern satellite systems aimed at, among others, improving security in the event of armed conflicts and crises. This perspective is written for two reasons. Foremost is to present the potential of the existing Polish security system, which aims to reduce the risks and minimise the problems of crisis management associated with natural disasters. Secondly, to foster a discussion and create a basis for exchanging information and advances within the countries implementing similar solutions. It is especially crucial in joint actions with neighbouring countries in case of emergencies and disasters in border areas.

International cooperation of cities is a crucial part of multi-level governance, yet, nowadays, it is facing new challenges, such as the pandemic or the growing role of populist movements, not to mention the war in Ukraine. The research goal of the paper is to determine what drives cities to participate in the Pact of Free Cities and what the perspectives of such an enterprise are. To reach this goal, the authors attempt to answer questions regarding the Pact’s intentions, methods of achieving its objectives and chances to do so, possible EU interest in this kind of initiative, and chances that other cities will be inspired to follow. Do cities want to bypass governments, or are there other reasons for establishing such cooperation? This exploratory case study aims to show a new form of city cooperation introduced by the Pact of Free Cities initiative.

The purpose of this article is to present the operational capabilities of the OSCE in regulating armed conflicts and their application in the former Eastern bloc countries. In order to show the role of the OSCE in the regulation of armed conflicts, OSCE operational capabilities have been structured in a conceptual grid including: OSCE regulatory tools – in the form of missions, field offices and field coordinators; regulatory mechanisms and emergency mechanisms applied in the light of the peaceful pathways of OSCE involvement in the regulatory process. The common feature of operation at each phase is the broadly understood maintenance of stability or achieving stability. There are armed conflicts against which the OSCE has selectively used regulatory activity, omitting certain phases of the conflict, and those against which the application of regulatory tools has not led to lasting stabilisation. The results presented in the paper confirm the correctness of considering the above theories against the background of the conflict cycle concept. Institutional and legal analysis and comparative analysis were used in this paper.

The article falls within the political science of religion, a “transactional” perspective. A critical point at stake here is to preserve the political system, which officially draws on socialist ideas and Hochiminhism, which consists of the deferring of liberal democracy. The historical background of the emergence of Catholicism in Vietnam has been shown, which proves that Catholics operated under the shadow of anti-national and anti-patriotic accusations. This narrative was strengthened during Indochina’s war when the ruling Communist Party required consolidation around nationalist and communist ideas. The change brought by the reform of Doi Moi, which on the first plan put up economic liberalisation followed by greater tolerance and openness, but without changing the party system. Catholics enjoy greater freedom. They can also join the Communist Party, in return, expects stabilisation and support for the political system. New forms of cooperation with religious groups have been developed, and some of them are still criticised, including limitations related to the registration of religious groups and control by the state apparatus.

A questionnaire-based study conducted in October 2021 provided analytical material on the degree and sources of disinformation in Polish society. The material has representative qualities and is the first comprehensive research project in Poland to cover issues regarding information security in such breadth and detail. The paper aims to analyse and present a study on disinformation in Polish society conducted on a representative group of Poles in 2021. The project's key research questions are: How receptive is the Polish public to disinformation content? What are the channels of information provided to Poles? Is the notion of disinformation familiar to the Polish audience, and do the recipients of media content search for methods to verify disinformation? The analysis and interpretation of the results identified some important features of the Polish disinformation map. The concept of disinformation is now commonly familiar to the Polish public (86%), and the sensitivity to content credibility can be regarded as high; the respondents were found to verify information, actively searching through various sources. Disinformation is rife in climate, energy (52%), and health (44%).

After 200 years of bondage, India gained freedom from the British through numerous revolutionary movements in 1947. But, within 20 years of the independence, insurgent movements had started arising against the Indian Government as well. In 1967, the Naxalite insurgency was initiated as a radical protest by the oppressed peasants against the colonial tenancy system retained by the feudal landowners even after the British had left the country for good. The uprising got pinpointed as Naxalism and the rebels as Naxals, as it all started at Naxalbari, a village in the Indian state of West Bengal. Spanning over 50 years, this ongoing movement initially acquired the respect of the general population of India with its radical ideologies of fighting against the oppressor imperialists but soon mutated into a source of terror. A qualitative assessment of the instances taken from secondary sources, such as context-related online journals and blog articles, will help this paper to explain the formation of the contemporary perception of Naxalism as an extreme radical armed revolution and one of the biggest security challenges against the Indian Government.

The European Union has been recognised as an international system whose decisions and actions are conditioned by environmental determinants, which is a dynamic process of change. The article attempts to explain the EU’s decisions based on the conclusions of the European Council in 2010–2022. 93 documents containing the conclusions of the European Council adopted during that period were analysed. It was found that the determinants of EU decisions and actions function – firstly – at the international system level and, secondly, at the level of the domestic systems of the Member States. In addition, the article: 1) reconstructed the discussion in the science of international relations on behavioural determinants, 2) reconstructed the perception of determinants in the conclusions of the European Council; 3) a model for organising the analysis of the determinants of the decisions of the European Council was proposed.

The article presents the clustering of Polish citizens based on the empirical dimension of support for European integration. The structure of the work is based on three key elements constituting the basis of the presented text. The first refers to the development of a scale to measure the extent of support for the integration of Poland with the EU. The second element covers an area of support scale modelling. After the substantial and statistical analysis of the adequacy of the probability distribution for the support scale, it was decided that a model in which the scale underwent mixing non-standard Beta distributions would be adopted. Applying the Maximal Likelihood Method (ML), the components for its fitted probability densities and estimators of prior (or mixing) probabilities were indicated. The procedure allowed us to define the clusters of which the population of voters was composed. The paper’s final section presents many practical and theoretical conclusions for political parties and scientists interested in the discussed area. The novelty of applying the ML method goes hand in hand with the findings that previously appeared in political science literature, although under different economic and geopolitical conditions.

The 20 principles of the European Pillar of Social Rights adopted by the EU in 2017 include the right to access such basic services as water, sanitation, energy or transport. In the face of the climate crisis, the first of these rights is becoming a service which, due to the progression of global warming, could lose its universal and easily accessible nature. It seems reasonable to ask about the chances of developing a ‘right to water’ within the framework of the EU’s system, which would unambiguously oblige the public authorities to ensure access to this right. The trigger for this research was the ‘Right2Water’ European citizens’ initiative addressed to the European Commission in 2013, which contained postulates to recognise access to water as a human right. Ten years after the launch of this procedure, it is reasonable to acknowledge the verification of the actions taken by the EU and whether the evolving EU water policy can be assessed as being oriented towards ensuring the right to water for all EU-inhabitants. The aim of this paper justifies the use of legal-dogmatic research methodology. Regarding the analysis of legal acts, the rules of legal hermeneutics were applied, esp. grammar and teleological interpretation.

Unrest, conflicts, and wars in various parts of the world have created huge political and business opportunities for private military companies. They can gather intelligence, provide security for rich and powerful political actors, and provide mercenaries to interest groups worldwide. Private Russian military forces with close ties to President Vladimir Putin are used in war zones and continue expanding their presence in many regions worldwide. The Wagner Group is the most famous Russian mercenary unit. It gained notoriety mainly by supporting Russian forces in the conflict in Ukraine in 2014. At that time, it also provided one of the services that the authorities in the Kremlin particularly appreciate in their actions, and that is the lack of attribution for conducting armed conflicts, thanks to which mercenaries play the role of separatist fighters. Since then, the organisation has been deployed in many countries, including Syria, Libya, Mali, the Central African Republic, Sudan, and Venezuela, always to covertly support representatives of regimes favoured by Putin. Like all other mercenary units in Russia, the Wagner Group does not officially exist, because Russian law does not allow mercenary activities. The article has two main objectives: first, to present an analysis of the activities of the Wagner Group, using the currently available information; second, to prove that the concept of hybrid warfare could best explain the Kremlin’s use of Russian mercenaries.

The article aims to identify social impact activities in the context of information operations conducted by Ukraine during the 2022 war. An analysis of the creation and spread of information threats as a result of Russia’s ongoing conflict is driven by the increasing impact of communication on global security. The content of the study highlights the impact of trends in the creation of information threats, which are the determinants of social risks. In the article, an analysis of creating information threats, including producing and reporting information in propaganda and the traditional and modern media, is of significant importance. The impact and role of mass media on awareness-raising is presented, revealing mechanisms for influencing public opinion.

System-based research remains an important yet usually outdated and internally contradictory approach in political science and international relations. Based on concepts borrowed from physiology, cybernetics, and general system theory, the system-based approach popularised in the 1960s was cast away as outdated and ill-focused. Despite those systems, the theory was developed in natural sciences, eventually creating a paradigm more applicable to domestic and international politics. The weakest element of past systems (like the one proposed by D. Easton) was that they did not allow for a sudden and catastrophic transformation and lacked emergence. This paper aims to present a model that would allow for the system’s ordinary and catastrophic transformation. The complex adaptive system features were defined using relevant literature on a paradigm of complexity. Connecting it with the propositions of D. Easton, R. Axelrod, and M. Cohen, as well as R. Jervis, such a model was constructed. The theoretical introduction is supplanted with a general case study of the early phases of the Arab Spring in Tunisia. The model mirrors the complex systems’ dynamics, considering the agent-structure problem.

Political parties that operate in the public space are classified, inter alia, according to the criterion of their ideological convergence (Mair, 2010; Gallagher, Laver, Mair, 2011). If we look at the convergence through the prism of the values declared by the parties, then the adaptation of Shalom H. Schwartz’s circular model makes it possible to explain many correlations. Ideological convergence must then be considered a derivative of the rules of compliance and conflict that Schwartz described. These become the starting point, the basis for selecting further axioms and, consequently, a guideline (imperative) in constructing political agendas. The article aims to show that the mentioned rules define party agendas, and the circular model can be used for analytical purposes. The manifestos of the pirate parties selected from 11 countries were used as an example. The method applied in the article is the meta-value matrix. Adapting the Schwartz model, it should be seen as a qualitative content analysis method.

The Polish State, with due regard to the time constraints on its continuity, is perceived from the perspective of more than a thousand years. Simultaneously, as an organised entity with its own values, it has been a mental problem for Poles since the turn of the 15th and 16th centuries and is continued until now. Thus, the reflections here have been restricted to the mentioned period because it is then that the main drawbacks of the Polish State began to occur. They include a description of these major flaws as we understand them and their effects. We often express the belief that our state disappeared from the map of Europe mainly due to the actions of our aggressive and finally partitioning neighbours. However, in doing so, we distance ourselves from the mistakes in managing the state made by the generations of our ancestors. This article analyses and exemplifies a deeper, critical academic reflection on these errors committed internally during the mentioned period and visible until today.

The article attempts to answer whether, and if so, to what extent, the withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the European Union (the so-called Brexit) impacted the British model of democracy. The starting point for the analysis is the famous classification of Arend Lijphart, who distinguished two main models of democracy – Westminster and consensus – identifying the United Kingdom as a prime example of the first of them. Using the method of institutional and legal analysis and the historical method, the author tries to prove the thesis that Brexit has shaken the foundations of the majoritarian democracy in the United Kingdom. However, the transformations of this model are not a new phenomenon, as they are part of the trend of changes occurring in this country, at least since the end of the 1990s. The article also proves the thesis that the serious political and systemic tensions to which Brexit – for very different reasons – led can be treated as temporary, as there is little indication that these tensions would permanently undermine the foundations of the Westminster model of democracy in the United Kingdom.

The study refers to the role of building relations between the direct supervisor and employee teams, indicating the opportunities and threats resulting from conducting selected aspects of internal communication in the so-called uniformed organisations. The authors draw attention to the roles of communication competencies and their social overtones, seeing in these elements both opportunities and threats to the involvement of employees in the performance of official tasks, as well as their readiness to deepen relations with their direct superior. The presented results of empirical research concern the organisation of the Ministry of National Defence and the State Fire Service and are only an element of a larger research project. The aim of the research process was to determine the opportunities and threats generated by aspects of organisational communication in the context of maintaining a satisfactory state of personal security of the examined institutions participating in activities in the field of defence and protection of population, property and the environment.

The paper considers organising wireless access in vehicular environments. Such environments are normally affected by Doppler effects, so the IEEE 802.11p standard is expected to ensure an appropriate quality of service for moving objects. Theoretically, the IEEE 802.11p standard compensates for Doppler effects, but it should be ascertained whether 802.11p is still efficient at tiny Doppler shifts and when an object moves at higher speeds. The 802.11p link provides a data rate which is twice as low for 802.11a. Thus, an end-to-end simulation is carried out for the links at wide ranges of signal-to-noise ratio by varying the Doppler shift from 0 Hz to 100 Hz. The simulation also involves 8 modulation types for 128-, 512-, and 1024-bit packet transmissions to cover all possible study cases. The efficiency criterion is the packet-error rate, to which the data rate is additionally considered. The main simulation result is that the 802.11p link is efficient only at not high speeds. The packet length should be shortened to suppress the influence of the object’s speed. Therefore, to enable high-quality wireless access in vehicular environments, a combination of the 802.11p and 802.11a links should be used, where phase shift keying is more effective for 802.11a and quadrature amplitude modulation is more effective for 802.11p. The trade-off herein is a data rate versus margin speed.

Morale is one of the most frequently recurring concepts in the media covering events from the country and the world. It is used by journalists and experts representing the scientific and military communities. The concept is also used by ordinary people commenting on the attitudes and achievements of various individuals and social entities, especially in situations of particular threats to human life and health. Since the term morale is used in different contexts and meanings, many different ways of understanding it can be noted. It can also be seen that approaches to the phenomenon of morale differ in time – interest in it decreases during peace and social stability and increases during conflicts, revolutions, or wars. For example, in the post-Cold War decade of the 1990s, known as the “end of history” or the “peace dividend” period, there was little scientific work on morale. But earlier, during the “Cold War”, such publications were numerously created in the West . From the emerging interest in the concept of morale in modern times, it appears that it is still valid and important.

Co-creation of public services implies new roles and responsibilities that, at least potentially, change the balance of control. In this way, it aligns closely with democratic renewal. This paper draws on the outcomes of a collaborative innovation project Co-creation of Service Innovation in Europe (CoSIE) funded under Horizon 2020. CoSIE built upon the idea that public sector innovations can be best achieved by creating collaborative partnerships between service providers (public sector agencies, third sector organisations, private companies) and citizens who receive services directly or indirectly. CoSIE was implemented through ten real-life innovation pilots in different public services across Europe. Results showed how co-creative methods could promote democratic dimensions, increasing the civic participation of marginalised and often voiceless population groups (residents of depleted urban neighbourhoods, disabled people in remote rural areas, citizens adrift from the world of work, and non-EU migrants). Some CoSIE pilots were more successful than others in extending impact beyond their immediate localities and service contexts. The paper highlights common factors that helped share learning and evolve project innovations into the ‘modus operandi’ of institutions and societies.

Since December 2019, the Pact of Free Cities, founded by the mayors of the Visegrád capitals, has expressed the dire wish not to be held hostage for their national governments’ disrespect for the rule of law. Being cut off from financial support out of political intentions, they lobby for direct EU support. The article explores the dynamics of this initiative, its strategies to reach out to European institutions and their resonance, as well as the meaning of the Pact’s city diplomacy from a democratic theory perspective. The analysis of various documents published by the Pact of Free Cities shows how it combines its efforts to promote democracy, the rule of law and sustainable policies by engaging on the EU level. The Pact developed a distinct type of urban experimentalism that established a new link between the European and the city level.

Co-creation of public policy can be considered a democratic innovation, all the more so as this approach seems to secure the possibility of „redefining what is democracy”. Understood this way, it is a direct source of changes in urban governance systems. Hence, the essence of the considerations is reflection on co-creation as a principle regulating the current urban governance practices and public participation in Berlin. The subject of the analysis in the empirical part of the paper is the Sozialer Zusammenhang („Social Cohesion”) Programme implemented since 2020. The aim is to present the specificity accompanying co-creation with citizens and evaluate the solutions’ effectiveness. Particular attention is paid to the key issue of what institutional arrangements support co-creation in a specific local context, i.e., at the neighbourhood level, and to discuss to what extent they can be considered effective public participation.

The reverted demographic pyramid makes youth a decreasing percentage of our increasingly ageing population, leaving youth groups with less power and chances to influence the future of public policies and services through established participation channels. There is a potential risk of losing the interests of broader, including less heard, youth groups in democratic decision-making and implementation. Research evidence shows that we need to broaden knowledge and accountability towards these groups by including them more in co-creation to secure their trust and meaningful policy impact. One major way to improve trust in the public sector is by enhancing the abilities of professionals, managers, politicians and NGOs to co-create public and individual values with youth groups for better services and solutions instead of acting and making decisions on their behalf. Also, cross-sector collaboration among institutional units or stakeholders from different sectors on a local scale is often required to enhance the value of services or local community decisions. This paper explores from a comparative perspective the local government’s readiness for enhanced democratic participation and co-creation of public services and public value with youth. Based on document studies, interviews and cross-sectoral learning dialogues between engaged researchers, public sector and NGO representatives conducted in three countries – Sweden, Finland, and Estonia – the paper illustrates the current perceptions of public professionals and managers regarding their approach to co-creation with youth and the public sector roles, readiness and perceived gaps. The paper distinguishes between the municipal ambitions of enhanced youth participation and co-creation.

The co-creation/co-production paradigm received significant attention in the last decades from Public Administration managers, officials, and scholars as a viable tool to overcome the limits of the New Public Management framework. Some scholars recognise that co-creation can be the basis for building an alternative administration model called New Public Governance. Other research found that co-creation is an innovative practice in the social investment policy frame. A more recent EU research project examines the idea and practice of co-creation in public services informed by lived experience pilots in 10 European countries. This paper presents the Italian case as an example of an institutional configuration open to the citizens’ participation in the co-design of public services. The paper is organised as follows. In the first paragraph, we illustrate the recent development of the legislation concerning the participation of citizens and civil society organisations in designing and delivering public services and/or management of common goods. The second paragraph deals with a deep analysis of “grey material” and scientific publications concerning the history, evolution and future perspectives of the “Shared Administration” procedures. The third paragraph presents a case study of collaboration between citizens, Third Sector/Civil Society Organisations (TSO/CSO) and public administration at the local level (Municipality of Bologna). The conclusive paragraph summarises the key findings of our study.

The paper is based on the observation of the process of reviving the forgotten culture of household economy, horticulture and livestock farming in disadvantaged rural areas and, through this, to develop a new service model for rural communities to strengthen the role of grassroots initiatives and enhancing the mechanisms of the co-operative model of local economy and democracy. Our research has shown that bottom-up models have several barriers to local governments in rural areas. The change in the political and governmental model of the last ten years has resulted in the restraint of local government autonomy and the vacancy of the role of local governments as public service providers. In this system, we can observe the strengthening of administrative dependence, the devaluation of the local elected political leadership (mayors) and the emergence of new rules of local power. In small settlements with less than 2,000 inhabitants, central state and political dependence intensified. Attempts to strengthen local communities have proved to be a major challenge in a highly centralised model of government. The present study gathers the factors that hinder the success of co-creative approaches in the local context and shows how the public service innovations organised by local governments are determined by the political and economic culture prevailing at the national level.

The aim of this paper is a comparative analysis of the new methods used to organise the 2020 general elections in Poland and the Czech Republic, which were held in the state of the SARS-19 virus pandemic. This paper analyses the voting methods introduced in connection with sanitary regulations in both countries and the scale of votes cast in this way in relation to the total. It discusses and compares the requirements introduced that voters and electoral commission members had to meet on voting day to minimise the risk of infection with the virus. The text shows a number of similarities in both countries in terms of the measures applied to prevent the spread of the virus associated with a personal visit to a polling station. An additional aspect of the comparative analysis of the covid-voting methods in the two countries was a discussion of voting rules for those infected or in quarantine on voting day. Analysis of the data showed that in both countries the alternative voting method, was not very popular.

The article presents conclusions (theses) from research in the area of crisis management systems. The first part presents the issues of system definition, crisis management, and the crisis management system. In the following part, the concept of a control and command system in crisis management is defined as a project for further discussion among scientists dealing with crisis management. The principles of coordination, synchronization and cooperation in crisis management are also discussed. The aim of the research was to define the elements (subsystems) of the control and command system in crisis management. The following question was posed as the main research problem: ‘What elements (subsystems) should form a control and command system in crisis management to ensure its efficient functioning?’ The article presents the results of the research.

Cybersecurity belongs to the area of activity of state and supra-state actors, giving direction to national and international systems of law as components of national and supranational systems of political, economic, military cooperation, etc. Still, the state has a monopoly on the causality of lawmaking, which forms the basis of cyberspace use security activities. The state responds to national security needs by actively participating in the formation of the collective security order of the supranational level. The aim of this paper is to demonstrate the significance of the national Cybersecurity Strategy of the Republic of Poland for ensuring the safe use of cyberspace. The Strategy, while referring to the national order, is at the same time an implementation of supranational arrangements within the scopes adopted by the state authorities, which means that the Strategy is subjected to logical evaluation depending on the impact of cyber conditions or binding arrangements of the international environment. The text is based on two research methods: the doctrinal legal research method to analyse the applicable legal regulations governing the issues related to the strategic aspects of cybersecurity and the law theory method aimed at evaluating the strategic solutions in respect of security in cyberspace.

Due to the rapid development of technology after the Second World War, the way of conducting conflict has changed significantly. One of the branches of the armaments industry that has developed the most is space technology and related to it ballistic missiles. Undoubtedly, possession by international entity ballistic missile technology, especially in connection with weapons of mass destruction, increases the importance and role of this entity on the international arena. Therefore, the proliferation of this technology or ready-made missile systems has a significant impact on regional and international security. Therefore, in order to explain this phenomenon, the first part of the article describes the role of ballistic missiles for international security. In the second part, author describes varied ways how international actor, such a state or organization may come into possession of ballistic missiles and also the methods used to stop or limit proliferation i.e. counter-proliferation methods. The last part of this article describes the ways how selected examples states such us Egypt, People’s Republic of China, Israel, India, North Korea, Iraq and South Africa have come into possession of ballistic missile technology. In connection with the above, it will be possible to show what proliferation of this kind of technology looked like and may look like in practice.

Currently, Türkiye is a country with the largest number of refugees in the world. Over 3.7 million of them come from Syria. At the beginning of the migration crisis which affected European Union member states, Türkiye as a transit destination provided refugees with a place at Temporary Accommodation Centers (TACs). After signing the agreement with the European Union (on March, 21 2016) and with the increasing number of refugees in Türkiye, it became impossible to place all of them in refugee camps. Syrians began to migrate not only to border cities and towns, but also to Istanbul and other Turkish metropolises. This article aims to show the impact of refugees on the situation of Istanbul and other Turkish cities. The analysis is intended to answer the following questions: how did refugees change the structure of Turkish cities? How did the migrations of the Syrian community affect the border cities of Türkiye and the metropolises in the western and central part of the country? Which socio-economic problems did the increase in the number of refugees generate in Türkiye? What kind of social problems arose in Turkish cities with the arrival of Syrian refugees?

This article examines changes in Polish local press at the turn of the second and the third decade of the 21st Century, directly or indirectly related to the coronavirus pandemic. For years, statistics have been showing declining sales of printed press. This is mainly the case of the general-interest newspapers – national, regional, and local alike. Internet media platforms are increasingly important and often take over the role of the leading local media. Due to their limited reach, local publishers felt the losses from reduced advertising revenue and copy sales even more acutely than national publishers. Local press and small publishing teams struggled to cope with the impact of the pandemic and demand for digitization. So, what will the local press look like in the following years? How will the pandemic change the face of the local press? This study addresses these issues based on findings from desk research, case studies, and content analysis of relevant media. The result of the research is the confirmation of changes in the field of local communication, especially in its channels. The printed press arouses less and less interest among recipients and ceases to function as the fourth estate.

In turbulent times of the COVID-19 pandemic, there are many challenges to a country’s international reputation. During the pandemic, Sweden, especially in its first stage, was frequently presented by international media outlets, sometimes negatively. Such adverse reporting may have imposed some reputational threats on Sweden. This research aims to investigate Swedish communication through a short-term perspective of public diplomacy (its day-to-day dimension) with the foreign public during the COVID-19 pandemic. The research was based on qualitative content analysis of official statements made by the Swedish Ministry for Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Health and Social Affairs, the Swedish Institute’s Instagram account, and interviews with the Swedish Institute employees. The main argument of this research is that in Sweden, day-to-day communication within PD served as a tool supporting the crisis management process. The research question refers to whether Sweden, through the activity of the Swedish Institute, used some elements of its public diplomacy conduct to react to the coronavirus pandemic. The hypothesis states that the day-to-day dimension of public diplomacy can be associated with the crisis management process.

This article examines the community radio scene in Hungary, focusing on two stations in Budapest: Tilos Radio and EPER Radio. The authors explore the unique characteristics and principles of community radio in Hungary through desk research and interviews with key players in the community radio movement conducted in October 2022. They highlight how these two stations, while differing in their specific forms of community broadcasting, share a commonality of being independent and offering an alternative to mainstream and public radio programming. Sustainability was identified as a significant challenge facing community radio stations in Hungary, primarily because of unfriendly media policy promoting voices supporting the government. The article also provides characteristics of the community radio concept and the historical context of community radio in Hungary, noting that this country was the first in Central and Eastern Europe to incorporate the third broadcasting sector into media law.

The study’s main aim is to look for relationships between political beliefs and political subjectivity of grey voters (over 65). Political beliefs contain a motivational element, mainly due to being embedded in the values and needs of the respective individuals. This can affect the consciously created place of the citizen within the political system in different directions. The orientation of the study on the grey voters may be cognitively engaging due to the several sources related to historical events that took place in Poland. Political beliefs were conceptualized through dimensions on a left-right scale, where xenophobia and religious fundamentalism were diagnosed in the area of cultural beliefs. In contrast, acceptance of capitalism and anti-welfare were diagnosed in the area of economic beliefs. Political subjectivity was diagnosed using an original tool, whose preliminary analysis made it possible to distinguish three factors of the construct: political initiative, political sense, and identification with the political system.

The adoption of smart card technology in various parts of Africa has reduced electoral malpractices, resulting in election credibility and acceptability. However, its use in Nigeria’s electoral process is believed to have downsides. The paper investigates how adopting smart card technology reduced electoral malpractices during the 2019 presidential election, making it more transparent, credible, and reliable than the traditional technique. It uncovers the flaws of the technology in Nigeria, including card reader malfunction, delays in accreditation and voting, the inability of the INEC staff to operate the technology efficiently during voting, and election postponement, among others. It is therefore recommended that the INEC improve public awareness of the use of the technology and train its staff.

The Social Credit System (SCS, 社会信用体系, shèhuì xìnyòng tĭxì), is an extremely interesting, ultimately nationwide pilot project, consisting of establishing the system of social rating, which, based on data collected over decades and stored both analog and with the use of state-of-the-art technologies will create profiles of citizens and businesses in the People’s Republic of China. The system focuses on four main spheres – national enterprises and economy, society, the judiciary, and public administration. It is in them that a higher level of social trust and security will be ensured, law regulations better observed, corruption eliminated, and proper transparency guaranteed. In analyzing the issue of the Western world’s attitude to the mechanism of digital surveillance and control of business and social activity in China, I should seek answers to the following questions, intriguing from the cognitive and practical perspective: Which of the above interpretations seems to be closer to the truth?; can the SCS have, at least partially, a universal character in the European Union, especially in the societies with a different system of values and the countries with a different political system than the one of the PRC?

The article aims to explain the importance of 5G technology in pursuing power and shaping the international competition between two superpowers: the USA and China. Accordingly, the research focus of this article is to explain how and why 5G technology is being used by China and the U.S. as a key instrument in their growing geopolitical rivalry. The study is framed within the theoretical approach of offensive realism. It is based on the primary assumption that superpowers like China and the United States tend to increase their power not only by expanding their armed forces and territorial conquests but also by using every possible opportunity to do so. The article researches two questions. What is the importance of 5G technology in the rivalry between China and the U.S.? How has the development of communication technologies influenced countries and their ability to shape the international environment? 5G technology is considered more than just the next generation of wireless connectivity, as it goes beyond traditional forms of use and addresses a new category of users. It is a structure intended to facilitate a new category of goods and services: smart cities, autonomous vehicles, automated factories, digital services, and robotization of decision-making processes.

The article attempts to address the issue of the need to distinguish sub-disciplines in security sciences. A scientific discipline is a basic and lowest-order category within the classification system of individual fields of science. Security science in Poland has been classified as one of many disciplines in the field of social sciences. The problem was formulated as a question: based on which criteria can sub-disciplines be distinguished in the security sciences? The aim is to identify the basic sub-disciplines in security sciences and to propose a criterion for their distinction. Critical literature analysis and research design were adopted as the primary methods. There is no established criterion for the division into individual sub-disciplines in Poland. The author proposes to distinguish sub-disciplines based on the following criteria: theoretical, practical, types of institutions, and levels of organization of different security sectors. It is based on the assumption that security sciences require a clarification of the substantive scope within sub-disciplines through which the discipline’s identity can be built up, and research can be carried out as part of further scientific work.

After the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, Romania faced the imminent threat of an escalation of the armed conflict. The geographical proximity of military operations caused this, as the Black Sea location and the self-proclaimed republic of Transnistria located in neighboring Moldova. For this reason, Romania, like other European countries, faced the consequences of the outbreak of war and met economic, political, and military challenges. After the outbreak of war, the Romanian government had to take appropriate steps to help Ukraine and Ukrainian refugees who crossed the border into Romania. Although Romania adopted a distant attitude towards Ukraine, it did not block any aid projects and acted following NATO’s strategic actions. The outbreak of war in Ukraine contributed to rapid changes in the scope of the Romanian army. Several decisions were made to purchase new equipment and strengthen the armed forces.

Book Review: Bogdan Góralczyk, Nowy długi marsz. Chiny ery Xi Jinpinga, Wydawnictwo Akademickie Dialog, Warszawa 2021, pp. 338.