Considerations devoted to postmodern diplomacy should be preceded by reflection on the phenomenon of postmodernity, because everything, what it expresses, creates some kind of depth of causative powers of changes, which aff ect diplomacy, traditionally connected with state, its foreign policy, raison d’état, reasons and interests, to realisation of which it should serve. The diplomat’s mandate is still a mandate coming from state, which they represent and on behalf of which they act. However, on the other hand, diplomatic functions are more and more often attributed to non-state subjects, which have different objectives and tasks to accomplish.

In reality of getting stronger infl uence of shaping the cultural and civilization mass-media image, human studies are facing new challenges. It is observed that the mass-media are trying to replace some of the sciences, namely the political science. In the practice of cultural life, we can notice the blurring of the borders between mass-media knowledge and actual science. The media commentary of political life is trying to become a research work. The marginalization of the methodology research in the political science leads to deformation of its own science creation. In the scientific recognition of socio-political reality, the methodology is responsible for creating theories, based on defi ning terms, methodological knowledge ordering, explaining and interpreting the knowledge according to particular rules, models, paradigms, etc.

According to Montesquieu tripartite system, formed in the European constitutionalism, the organs of authority, in a democratic state, affect each other in an inhibitory way, balancing mutually. Traditionally, it is understood that the executive power is performed by the Head of State (monarch, president) and government, legislative power belongs to the parliament, whereas the judicial power is exercised by independent courts. Analyzing the political reality of member states it is necessary to note, that the executive participates in the national legislative processes more actively, for example, through executing constitutionally granted right of legislative initiative (usually together with deputies), by issuing acts with the power of law, or incorporating Community directives into the internal legal order.

Times are changing. The second half of the 19th century and the following years stood for rapid development of various tools based on electricity. Expansion of telecommunication and progress of electronic media constitute important elements of this period. It may be said, we now live in the Internet era, and there is a perception that anyone who does not jump on the technology bandwagon is going to be left far behind. The growth of online interactions can be observed by the inconceivable increase in the number of people with home PC and Internet access.

The realization of Polish foreign policy after 1989 was carried out in the dynamically changing international situation. Political transformation in Poland and the redefi nition of its foreign policy was parallel to farreaching events occurring in Europe. These were brought about by political transformation in Central and Eastern Europe, that is the collapse of the Easter block, reunifi cation of the German states, break-up of the USSR and the independence of former Soviet republics.

The article aims to, first, critically assess the idea and practice of deliberative democracy and, second, find it a proper place in the democratic theory. I start with defining the concept as it emerges from the works of some of its most prominent proponents (such as Fishkin, Cohen or Habermas), reiterating several of the important arguments in support of it. I then present various criticisms of deliberative democracy, regarding philosophical assumptions that inform it (the idea of common good, the conditions of rational deliberation etc.) and its modus operandi (its alleged procedural superiority over aggregative methods). I then off er further criticism of deliberative democracy as a model of democracy, an alternative to the dominant model of representative democracy, arguing from its ineff ectiveness in influencing political decisions. Instead, in the final section, I propose to establish deliberation as one of the two criteria of classifi cation and assessment of democratic systems, thus restoring its importance in the democratic theory.

Self-actualization is often touted but rarely achieved. The Liberal frame that champions autonomy requires strict conformity: conformity to laws assured by state force, conformity to market transaction assured by privileging private property, conformity to limited collective action assured by the social atomization which comes from the construction of negative rights. This paper explores the many impediments to autonomous self-actualization within the rubric of liberalism, including the superegoistic internalizations of mores and taboos elucidated by Western-oriented psychoanalysis. It further explores the possibility that self-actualization may be more readily achieved through what Gramsci referred to as “heteronomy:” selfconsciously engaged collective social action. By examining the mechanisms of self-limitation through the dynamics of superego development, the paper posits that self-actualization may best be realized through collective articulation of ethics and morality which are constantly situational. In this, the paper takes up the Deleuzian and Guattarian propositions of simultaneous, multiplicitious identities, deterritorialized and evaluated only within the multitude of a given moment in time and space. The dynamic and contextual quality of this discursive engagement is not one of relativity, but characterized by the intersubjectivity of the participants. ! is specifi city – specifi city of interlocutors, specifi city of locality, and specifi city of time – provides for unique self-actualization, which neither reifi es nor objectifi es selves, but suggests that individuals are not essences, but subjective beings which are as dynamic as the social situations they create. Thus self-actualization cannot be achieved alone, but only within a collective discursive context. This context must be characterized as a social forum of praxis, for instrumentality or technical motivations disrupt the contributions not only of the actor guided by techne, but the contributions of the whole for disingenuousness makes intersubjectivity impossible. Collectively articulated ethics and morals cannot be adjudicated by a discursive forum which is tainted by motives of self-gain. Instrumentality of one impedes the ability of all others to self-actualize. Thus, self-actualization only comes within the context of heteronymous action. ! is paper will thus interrogate the consequences of inverting the age-old problem of public action – autonomous self-actualization is threatened by free-loading – and suggests that collective self-actualization is impeded by self-oriented, atomistic, instrumentality.

“More and more phenomena are assuming a political dimension, and the surrounding world of politics is beginning to overwhelm us. Despite its grounding in rationality, and despite eff orts to adapt it to the changing forms of social life, it systematically yields to derealisation. The key notions in this area, such as liberty, equality, democracy, raison d’état, revolution, counter-revolution, are becoming increasingly disconnected, receive variegated explanations and interpretations in political practice, are readily subject to manipulation.” Cultural myth expresses a collective, emotionally charged belief in the veracity of a conceptual content, a memory, and simultaneously provides a model, a set of rules for social behaviour. Leszek Kołakowski draws attention to the ubiquity of mythological thinking in contemporary culture in which it addresses the universal need to fi nd meaning and continuity in the world and its values. Myth is then a particular mode of perception, cognition, and understanding of reality, part of man’s mentality, his national and cultural identity.

Silesia has always been a challenge for scientists as well as politicians, most importantly however – its people. Not many analysts and practitioners succeeded in coping with this challenge. Strategic character of this land made its inhabitants hostages to geopolitical interests of states representing diff erent cultures, languages and religions. Remaining at the front line of (what Samuel Huntington would call) civilizations, Silesia was expossed to this long-lasting process which resulted in specifi c type of identity, which the author dares call hybrid identity. It also resulted in a number of paradoxes, like for example unique model of modernization based on industrial infrastructure development accompanied by adequate work culture and civilizational patterns from one side, and from the other side closing Silesian communities in tribalism and traditionalism.

The article focuses, first and foremost, on attitude of the Polish Diaspora in the RSA towards socio-political situation in country of settlement. In solving problem particular attention is drawn to the attitude of the Polish Diaspora to political transition in South Africa. Relation to this process is portrayed by engagement of the Polish Diaspora in building new political order after apartheid – multiethnic democracy called New South Africa, among others through its participation in parliamentary elections, referendums and membership in political parties. Conclusions concentrate on conditions and effects of the Polish Diaspora participation in political life in country of settlement.

The inauguration of Roh Tae Woo as president of the Sixth Republic of Korea in February 1988 can be considered as a turning point in South Korean political history. The five years of the Roh Tae Woo administration, 1988–1993, contained many of the fi rst steps, albeit sometimes transitionally imperfect, toward democracy and an ultimate return to civilian rule of law, as well as greater political freedoms. According to Samuel P. Huntington, the Korean form of democratization was an example of transplacement, in which the government made concessions and opposition political groups accepted it to avoid mutual catastrophe. Furthermore, a case can be made for the mode of democratic transition in South Korea also being like Donald Share’s transition through transaction, Terry Lynn Karl and Philippe C. Schmitter’s transition by pact, and Adam Przeworki’s democracy with guarantees.

The sixtieth anniversary of entering into diplomatic relations between Republic of Poland and Democratic People’s Republic of Korea inclines to draw up a balance sheet. Korea is located far away from Poland, in a very different civilization circle, the neo-Confucian one. It has 5 thousand years of history; the legendary Tangun in a year 2333 B.C. has founded the first Korean state Kodzoson. The history is generally difficult, numerous invasions of grand neighbors (China, Japan). The Korean chronicle compared Korea to a prawn swimming in between of two whales. Such difficult history is also the attribute of Poland. Poland was also a subject of partitions, numerous invasions of the neighbors. Polish and Koreans have common national features: pride, inexorability and independence.

The most important issue of this paper is contained mostly, though vaguely, in the title. What is agenda-setting and how it is related with freedom of speech domain? In further part I will try to present those, theoretically distant problems. I will also try to present how political and business organizations can affect on daily agenda, so in fact how thy can create access to free speech. There are some situations in mass media world, when those practices can be considered as internal or external censorship. In this paper I specific cases, all selected from American political and media systems. I think that US system is full of contradictions, from law confl icts (state vs federal law, First Amendment), owners of mass media competition (corporations, FCC) and finally state controlled media on the contrary to free speech (censorship).

Freedom of possessing and expressing own ideas and opinions and their dissemination is one of the fundamental rights, that entitled to each person. In addition to this, the freedom enables searching and getting information. Thanks to it, the right to express your own identity, selfrealization and aspiring to truth are guaranteed. It is one of the basic premise and the necessary condition to realize the idea of democracy. In the United States, the cradle of civil rights and modern democracy, the freedom of expression is guaranteed in the First Amendment to American Constitution (Bill of Rights), enacted in 1789 (came into force in 1791). On its virtue, “Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of (…) the freedom of speech, or of the press (…).” Although the record suggested that this freedom is absolute, (not restricted of any legislation), the later jurisdiction of the US Supreme Court (by case law) isolated categories of utterances that have not been contained by the First Amendment. ! e essential issues are answers on the following questions: in the name of what values Congress can limit the First Amendment? And where is the border of freedom of speech? One of the expressions that are not protected by the law is fi ghting words and hate words. The second are libel and slanders that are understood as a infringement of somebody’s rights.

Sovereignty is a broad based concept which grants enormous powers to heads of states within their boundaries. That power may sometimes pave the way for the abuse of sovereignty. There are many cases throughout history where the States tended to use their sovereign powers beyond their limits and tried to extend their sovereignty in an abusive manner, either within or outside their territory.

In many analysis of contemporary military conflicts, their ethnicity is emphasized. Ethnic dissimilarities are indicated as the main element which causes diversity leading to even very dramatic events. For some people dissimilarity is a possibility of marginalization, for others a possibility of arousing some values which nowadays are very often treated as secondary. Ethnicity has a changeable character resulting from the process of its settling. It cannot be seen according to the rights characteristic for former processes. To what extend does the category change in the contemporary world? Isn’t it used only in order to hide a lack of communication and reluctance to compromises? Isn’t ethnicity manipulated by polititians, very o! en temporarily understanding interest of people communities, who because of very low reasons oppose symbolism of ethnicity to arising processes of modernization? Or maybe ethnicity is another “magic charm” which we use so easily sitting in a “quiet” of a political stability. The process which can be easily placed in universalism and hardly in rationalism.

The book by Andrzej Antoszewski consists of three parts. The first of them is of a theoretical character. The author analyses the concept of liberal democracy, trying to present the problems connected with this issue. In the second chapter, he discusses the idea of a party as a political institution and presents how the social and cultural changes infl uence its activity. In a very interesting way, he describes the conditions in which political parties in Central and Eastern Europe were established. He wonders whether the diff erent circumstances in which they were formed have aff ected the way they operate and their mutual relations.

The signifi cance of the Weimar Triangle as a platform for cooperation and solving the most important problems of continental Europe has been changing since the day it was established. Despite a number of signifi cant and spectacular achievements and answers given to the most crucial questions, there are still a lot of controversial issues in which the agreement cold not be achieved.

The publication is another title falling into the subject: Common European Safety and Defense Policy. However, it diff ers from previous depictions of European Union’s activity in the second pillar. €The author’s aim was an analysis of a development of European identity in the fi eld of safety and defense from its origins, that is activities taken and decisions made in the second half of the 1940s. € e author has followed through the European safety and defense policy from the moment of shaping its conception (Pleven plan) and setting up the European Defence Community until setting up the European Defence Agency. €The treaty instituting the European Defence Community deserves a special attention. It is the first presentation of such important Western Europe’s striving for creating the European armed forces in the literature of the subject.

The beginning of the 21st century was a period in which the international order was still in the phase of transformation. The bipolar system, which fell into disintegration along with the end of the Cold War, did not trigger the end of history as some had expected.  e international community faced new challenges which will probably require new, more effective instruments. The new conditions of the evolution of the international order pose difficult questions to be answered by analysts of international relations. The questions relate to the analysis of the present order as well as the directions of its short, middle – and long-term development.  e international order, as with most of the elements in the theory of international relations, may be analysed from the perspective of various research schools. In Polish literature on the subject it has been viewed mainly from the angle of the classical paradigms: realistic, liberal or normative.

The publication “What kind of information?” was written a€ er conference at the same title took place in Lublin at 26 of May 2008. It was organized by Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski (Catholic Uniwersity of Lublin). Leon Dyczewski is the editor of this collection of lecture which were delivered during this conferences. This publication tries to answer the question how do we use diff erent kinds of information in media, PR, advertisements and other areas of human activity. Everyday everyone gets a lot of different information, so it is really important to make sure that this information came from safe sources. So we should demand from people who are taking, collecting, transforming and publicizing, a good quality of this product, which the information certainly is.

The work is a compilation of well-chosen and documented works on local governments in the states of Central and Eastern Europe. The timeline that the authors have assumed has its starting point in the beginning of the 1990s, when the transformation processes of the states of the former Soviet block had begun. This also marks the beginning of the process of forming of democratic state structures, including local governments.

It is already the third time when the International Scientifi c Conference has taken place in Torun, attended by more than 100 scholars from all scientific centres as well as several participants from abroad. The initiator and scientific manager of all so far conferences has been dr Joanna Marszałek-Kawa, assistant director of the Faculty of Political Sciences of Nicolaus Copernicus University. The conference was arranged by the Asia – Pacific Society and the Faculty of Political Sciences, Faculty of International Studies of Nicolaus Copernicus University and Polish-Chinese Friendship Society.

On the workers’ of the Institute of the Political Science and European Studies of University of Szczecin initiative, with a support of the Council of the Institute of the Political Science and European Studies, a Yearbook Reality of Politics [estimates, comments, forecasts] has been brought into existence. The aim of the community of political scientist from Szczecin has been creating a magazine which by its character could present a wide spectrum of opinions, views and refl ections within the scope of contemporary issues concerning political science.

Although each of us is unique there is no one who could not be substituted. We can usually agree with this statement although sometimes we accept that there are exceptional individuals, though it is regretful that we do not encounter them frequently. There are people whose contribution to the life of a social group or an institution is diffi cult to replace. They integrate the group, motivate the group’s members to work better, offer a good example, willingly advise and help others, represent the ambitions of the group well, and so on. In the Poznań circle of political scientists Professor Czesław Mojsiewicz was such a fi gure. He had a tremendous infl uence on the profi le of this circle over the forty-two years of its active creation and shaping.