Volume 53 (2024)

Contents

  • Author: The Editors
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 3-4
  • DOI Address: -
  • PDF: ppsy/53-1/ppsy20241toc.pdf

A Legal Notion of Adverse Inference in WTO Case Law

  • Author: Markiyan Malskyy
  • Institution: University of Warsaw (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2435-2097
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 5-15
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202401
  • PDF: ppsy/53-1/ppsy2024101.pdf

Gathering evidence is of utmost importance in any legal proceeding. However, sometimes, one of the parties may hide specific evidence, which complicates the adjudicators’ reaching of a fair conclusion. For such cases, judges or arbitrators can use several tools, one of which is adverse inference. An adverse inference is a negative conclusion that may be drawn from a party’s failure to provide some evidence without a valid excuse for non-production. By drawing it, adjudicators assume this evidence would harm the party’s interests. At the same time, adverse inference is quite a radical tool because it may strongly impact the final decision. Because of this, adjudicators are sometimes cautious about using it. This paper analyzes the notion of adverse inference in the context of the dispute resolution mechanism available in the WTO. In particular, three cases were summarized in which the Appellate Body made interesting findings regarding the application of adverse inference. As a result of the work, conclusions from these cases are made that can be used by lawyers in future WTO disputes, as well as in other international and national dispute resolution fora.

fact-finding WTO adverse inference dispute resolution

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Green Soft Power? Checking in on China as a Responsible Stakeholder

  • Author: Agnieszka Nitza-Makowska
  • Institution: Collegium Civitas (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1677-986X
  • Author: Kerry Longhurst
  • Institution: Collegium Civitas (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4710-2640
  • Author: Katarzyna Skiert-Andrzejuk
  • Institution: Collegium Civitas (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4451-5092
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 17-33
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202402
  • PDF: ppsy/53-1/ppsy2024102.pdf

By assuming a proactive role in international environmental regimes and extending the ‘green’ dimensions of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China has been seeking to promote itself as a leader and responsible stakeholder in global environmental governance. This article examines this development concerning the notion of China’s ‘soft power’ and, more specifically, the notion of ‘green soft power’ – which aims to bridge the traditional concept of soft power with a state’s behavior on environmental and climate issues. China presents an interesting case since it has accrued a considerable amount of green soft power through its multilateral environmental diplomacy practiced at the Conferences of the Parties (COPs), the high-profile annual United Nations Climate Change Conferences, but its patchy deployment of environmental standards in the bilateral engagements under the BRI highlights the contradictions in referring to China as a green soft power. With these ideas in mind, this article holds that in the search to understand the evolving nature of China’s responsible stakeholder role, attention should be given to exploring the notion of green soft power.

environmental diplomacy BRI soft power foreign policy China

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The Role of Political Leadership in a Hybrid Regime: The Case Study of Alexei Navalny’s Team

  • Author: Agnieszka Miarka
  • Institution: University of Silesia in Katowice (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2851-1676
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 35-54
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202403
  • PDF: ppsy/53-1/ppsy2024103.pdf

The article aims to explain Navalny’s team’s political strategy after his arrest, focusing on the activity before the State Duma elections. This is an important issue from the point of view of the impact of leadership on a political organization in a system evolving from a hybrid regime to an authoritarian regime. As confirmed by the author’s research, the organization adapts to new conditions without a leader. Still, it is predestined to disintegrate and reduce the effectiveness of implementing the updated political strategy.

non-systemic opposition Alexei Navalny political strategy hybrid regime Russia

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Scapegoating and Antisemitism During the COVID-19 Health Crisis: A Critique of Jewish Identity in Germany

  • Author: Hilal Zeynep Tanrıverdi
  • Institution: Giresun University (Turkey)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1245-6585
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 55-66
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202404
  • PDF: ppsy/53-1/ppsy2024104.pdf

Scapegoating and Conspiracy Theories during COVID-19 Antisemitism has unfortunately persisted throughout history, and the COVID-19 pandemic has not been an exception to this troubling trend. The conditions created by the pandemic, such as fear, uncertainty, and anxiety, have fueled the emergence and spread of conspiracy theories targeting various groups, including Jewish communities. The COVID-19 pandemic has triggered a plethora of baseless beliefs and conspiracy theories about its causes, which have contributed to the rise of antisemitism during this time. Pandemics, including the COVID-19 pandemic, inherently create anxiety and uncertainty among populations. This change has affected many areas, both political and social. Conspiracy theories that base the cause of the emergence of COVID-19 on Jewish identity are an essential factor for this study. Tendencies toward antisemitism and scapegoating have supported these conspiracy theories. In this study, how antisemitism manifested itself in media and online discourse during COVID-19 and how Jewish identity is affected by the process.

scapegoating COVID-19 health crisis Jewish identity Antisemitism

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Why Did “the Bulldozer” Want to Run Over the Women? Contextualization of Anti-Women Rhetoric in Tanzanian Politics under John Magufuli

  • Author: Anna Cichecka
  • Institution: University of Wrocław (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7837-5684
  • Author: Andrzej Polus
  • Institution: University of Wrocław (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6305-1599
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 67-87
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202405
  • PDF: ppsy/53-1/ppsy2024105.pdf

This article examines the transformation of political discourse on women’s rights and women-oriented NGOs in Tanzania, focusing on successive state administrations within the same political party, led by John Pombe Magufuli and Jakaya Kikwete. The analysis unfolds through three key phases: first, characterizing the habitus of Tanzanian women’s NGOs; second, examining the evolving narratives in government-NGO relations; and third, briefly exploring the political discourse during the Kikwete and Magufuli presidencies. The research methodology is based on extensive desk research and two field studies conducted in Tanzania. Rather than adhering to a preconceived theory, our research approach is guided by theorems and selected frameworks. Pierre Bourdieu’s theoretical concepts, particularly ‘habitus’ and the ‘exchangeability of different forms of capital,’ underpin our argument and interpretation of the data. The study shows that while elements of anti-feminism are evident in Magufuli’s political discourse, accusations of promoting toxic masculinity are mainly unfounded. At the same time, it argues that the critique of women’s empowerment and women-focused NGOs can be attributed to Magufuli’s unique mode of accumulating political and economic capital, leading to heightened distrust in the relationship between these NGOs and the Tanzanian government.

Jakaya Kikwete John Magufuli women-oriented NGOs political discourse women’s rights Bourdieu habitus Tanzania

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The Role of Anglo-Saxon Countries in Maintaining the American-led Order in the Indo-Pacific Region

  • Author: Łukasz Jureńczyk
  • Institution: Kazimierz Wielki University in Bydgoszcz (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1149-925X
  • Author: Adam Kuź
  • Institution: Kazimierz Wielki University in Bydgoszcz (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5022-7137
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 87-105
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202406
  • PDF: ppsy/53-1/ppsy2024106.pdf

The analysis is based on theoretical assumptions characteristic of the multi-order world by Trine Flockhart concept. The main factor influencing the situation in the Indo-Pacific region is the conflict between two international orders, Chinese-led and American-led, which is economic but may take a military form in the future. The practical limitations of the article result from the complex process of analyzing and forecasting political phenomena in statu nascendi. The analysis contributes to the scientific discussion on the future of international relations in the Indo-Pacific region. The American-led order in the Indo-Pacific region is based on the institutionalized forms of cooperation involving Anglo-Saxon states based on identity factors determining their effectiveness. The US strategy for the Indo-Pacific is mainly based on the network of partnerships with the region’s countries and countries from other parts of the world supporting the American-led order in the region, especially the Anglo-Saxon countries. In addition to identity factors, the positive long-term experience of military cooperation between the Anglo-Saxon countries is significant. The escalation of the global conflict between the US and China will be conducive to further tightening this cooperation.

Anglo-Saxon countries multi-order world Indo - Pacific USA China

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Turkey in the Post-Arab Uprisings Era: Vacillating between Regional and Domestic Priorities

  • Author: Stavros Drakoularakos
  • Institution: University of the Peloponnese (Greece)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7053-6706
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 107-123
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202407
  • PDF: ppsy/53-1/ppsy2024107.pdf

This article analyses Turkey’s foreign policy concerning the status quo of the post-Arab uprisings through the prism of regional hegemony theory. The aspiring regional hegemon is identified through criteria applied to Turkish foreign policy, recontextualizing soft power initiatives of the previous decades with current hard power policies. The article suggests that while the Arab uprisings played a vital part in the redefinition of Turkish foreign policy, Erdoğan’s domestic priorities informed its recalibration to weather political difficulties and maintain power. The objective would be to challenge the status quo shepherded by the West during the twentieth century as articulated by the Mavi Vatan doctrine, the motivation to renegotiate the Lausanne treaty, the conversion of the Hagia Sophia into a mosque, and even the escalating Erdoğan-Macron verbal feud. Turkey’s aspirations for regional hegemony are evidenced in policies including military intervention, diplomatic and economic support to state entities, escalation of tensions with other regional powers, and Erdoğan’s consolidation of power over Turkish domestic affairs.

regional hegemony hard power Middle East Turkey foreign policy

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Implications of the War in Ukraine in Terms of Inequalities in BRICS Countries: A Complexity Approach

  • Author: Marcin Grabowski
  • Institution: Jagiellonian University (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1447-1818
  • Author: Viktoriya Voytsekhovska
  • Institution: Lviv Polytechnic National University (Ukraine)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8976-8021
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 125-143
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202408
  • PDF: ppsy/53-1/ppsy2024108.pdf

The study attempts to analyze the implications of the war in Ukraine for the issues of development and inequalities in the BRICS block. The so-called “emerging economies” play an essential role in the global system, both in economic and political terms. The article compares the political and economic backgrounds of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, their development, the “status quo” and their future aspirations, and analyses how the war in Ukraine may change the global development scenario. It is essential after the BRICS summit in South Africa invited six new members to the group. The article is rooted in complexity theory, supported by a mixed methodology approach. We show how the given research methodology, informed by complexity theory, can furnish new insights into global sustainability. The statistical method was used to gauge the correlation-regression impact of inequalities in BRICS countries on their sustainable development. The analysis allows several conclusions to be ventured: sustainable development is closely linked to inequalities and vice versa; the war has had a significant, multidimensional impact on the development paths and inequalities in the BRICS countries, which potentially could worsen, and the war is a major shocking event that can lead to global system changes and implications which are broader than merely for the subregion.

complexity theory inequalities BRICS war in Ukraine sustainable development

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Challenges and Threats as a Consequence of Strategic Competition

  • Author: Mirosław Banasik
  • Institution: Jan Kochanowski University (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9358-1240
  • Author: Lech Chojnowski
  • Institution: Pomeranian University in Słupsk (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0339-0430
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 167-178
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202409
  • PDF: ppsy/53-1/ppsy2024109.pdf

The purpose of the research, the results of which are presented in this article, was to clarify the mechanisms of strategic competition and to identify the challenges and threats arising from it for international security. A systemic approach, literature analysis and criticism, non-participatory observation, and a case study were used to solve the research problems. In the research process, it was established that strategic competition is constantly intensifying, and its consequences can harm global security. The process of strategic competition should be viewed as challenges that, if not addressed, can quickly develop into new threats. The most significant threats to international security are related to the ambitions of revisionist states seeking territorial claims and expanding spheres of influence. Although the risk of global war remains relatively low, states will seek to permanently influence their competitors in the gray zone through soft instruments. Soft influence instruments will dominate it. The effectiveness of these tools will be determined by the world’s interconnectedness in the economic and political spheres. States will try to achieve their strategic goals in cyberspace and narrative using traditional mass media and social media.

gray zone Strategic competition challenges and threats international security cybersecurity

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Armed Conflict as an ‘Undoing’ Force in Regional Integration and Its Impact on the Consolidation of AfCFTA Development Mission

  • Author: Munyayiwashe Shumba
  • Institution: University of Warsaw (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4047-6965
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 179-189
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202410
  • PDF: ppsy/53-1/ppsy2024110.pdf

The paper examines the intricate relationship between armed conflict and regional integration, focusing on its role as an ‘undoing’ force in the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) context. A significant element of development and economic cooperation in Africa is the perennial problem of violent conflict in almost all sub-regions. Moreover, organized crime is rising across the continent, coupled with the emergence of new forms of violence associated with today’s globalization and other post-Cold War phenomena. Globalization has led to greater interdependence among countries and fostered cooperation among states. However, a country’s internal conflict often has repercussions beyond its borders and threatens regional and global peace and stability. In addition, armed conflict can affect countries’ relations and state cooperation. Peace provides a good foundation for development and economic cooperation, while development ensures the permanence of peace. The central question addressed in this paper is whether constructive regional economic integration and cooperation can be effectively achieved while some African countries are experiencing armed conflict. A qualitative research approach is used to analyze how armed conflict will likely negatively impact the achievement of AfCFTA goals.

development Regional Cooperation armed conflict peace trade

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Securitization of Water in Central Asia: Insights from the Regional Water Security Complex

  • Author: Marek Musioł
  • Institution: University of Wrocław (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3318-9626
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 191-205
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202411
  • PDF: ppsy/53-1/ppsy2024111.pdf

Central Asia is revealing itself as an area where the problem of access to water and its current regional dynamics are almost at a radically critical level, where the potential risk of water disputes is still one of the highest in the world. Therefore, water scarcity issues and challenges triggered by the Aral Sea syndrome, the existing water mismanagement system, infrastructural and investment projects of dams and water reservoirs (Rogun, Naryn, Kambarata, Toktogul, etc.) and their transformation towards an existential threat will be analyzed within the securitization prism through the selected speech acts. This article will contribute to developing a new analytical framework of Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) and the securitization theory in water stress. The efforts undertaken in this article will ultimately lead to the development of a new approach to issues of water security and hydro politics within the concept of the Regional Water Security Complex (RWSC) on the example of the Central Asian region. The main research question will be to what extent water, as an immanent feature of this complex, is politicized and securitized. An important question will also be how the formulated security language indicates the existential nature of water as a security problem in the region.

Regional Water Security Complex water stress water scarcity water security Central Asia securitization

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Safety Issues of the Rail Transport System in Poland during COVID-19: A Review Based on Statistics and Research

  • Author: Gabriel Nowacki
  • Institution: Military University of Technology (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5357-8824
  • Author: Karolina Jaworska
  • Institution: Internal Security Agency (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4255-2658
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 207-226
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202412
  • PDF: ppsy/53-1/ppsy2024112.pdf

The paper presents the characteristics of the rail transport system, including passenger and freight transport during the Covid-19 pandemic. The entities responsible for the safety of the railway sector were presented, among which were the Railway Transport Office, the company PKP PLK S.A., and the Railroad Security Guard, which played the most critical role. The paper presents statistical data for railway accidents and casualties in 2018–2021. It was noted that the Covid-19 pandemic significantly reduced passenger and freight transport. 2021 was the European Year of Railways; it was also an exceptional, demanding, and significant year for changes taking place on the railways. Throughout this time, the Office of Rail Transport promoted rail as a safe, ecological, and comfortable means of transport. Based on statistics and empirical research, the main problems of the railway sector were discussed, and the research hypothesis was verified positively.

rail transport system civil protection COVID-19 pandemic safety

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Contents

  • Author: The Editors
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 3-4
  • DOI Address: -
  • PDF: ppsy/53-2/ppsy20242toc.pdf

Notes Towards a Multifaceted Approach to Political Stability

  • Author: Radu Carp
  • Institution: University of Bucharest (Romania)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7309-8836
  • Author: Łukasz Perlikowski
  • Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4504-7625
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 5-14
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202413
  • PDF: ppsy/53-2/ppsy2024201.pdf

This paper seeks to improve comprehension of issues related to political stability. The primary elucidating tool employed is the multifaceted approach to political stability. This is the idea that similar political stability mechanisms can be observed in many different political contexts. These phenomena consist of conspicuous discrepancies between the stability of dimensions or layers of the political sphere. The lack of congruency between political stability and economic stability, differences between the stability of government authorities and the stability of the whole political system, or the gap between social and political stability are examples that are not difficult to grasp in ordinary observations of political appearances. The main task of this paper is to explain and elaborate on the reasons behind this phenomenon. As an additional value, some suggestions of how our findings can change the view on the method of research on political stability are to be found. The outcome of our investigation can be applied to comparative politics, constitutional studies, and political system analysis. The paper is particularly significant for empirically oriented political theory.

asynchronism system analysis approach multifaceted approach to political stability political stability political theory

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Political and Economic Dimensions of the Dominance of Selected Asian Recycling Yards in the World

  • Author: Małgorzata Kamola-Cieślik
  • Institution: University of Szczecin (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2956-3969
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 15-30
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202414
  • PDF: ppsy/53-2/ppsy2024202.pdf

India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan have dominated the global ship recycling market in the 21st century. A recycled ship provides steel and other metals for industrial reuse. In addition to economic gains, ship recycling affects the environment and workers’ health. The article compares the changes in the policies of the governments of India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan regarding recycling shipyard operations from 2009-2022 in the context of international and EU law standards. It also shows the impact of international organizations, shipbuilding trade unions, Shipbreaking Platform non-governmental, Maersk shipping company, and Norway on the decisions of South Asian countries to make them ratify the Hong Kong International Convention for the Safe and Environmentally Sound Recycling of Ships. Analysis of the collected research material allows us to conclude that the governments of India, Bangladesh, and Pakistan have shown varying degrees of understanding of introducing legal regulations for safe ship recycling.

ship recycling industry South Asian countries government policy international law trade unions

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The State and Catholics in Vietnam

  • Author: Małgorzata Pietrasiak
  • Institution: University of Łódź (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4279-1483
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 31-43
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202311
  • PDF: ppsy/53-2/ppsy2024203.pdf

The article falls within the political science of religion, a “transactional” perspective. A critical point at stake here is preserving the political system, which officially draws on socialist ideas, and Hochiminhism, which consists of the deferring of liberal democracy. A historical background of the emergence of Catholicism in Vietnam has been shown, which proves that Catholics operated under the shadow of anti-national and anti-patriotic accusations. This narrative was additionally strengthened during Indochina’s war when the ruling Communist Party required consolidation around nationalist and communist ideas. The change brought by the reform of Doi Moi, which on the first plan put up economic liberalization followed by greater tolerance and openness, but without changing the party system. Catholics enjoy greater freedom; they can also join the Communist Party, which, in return, expects stabilization and support for the political system. New forms of cooperation with religious groups have been developed. However, some of them are still criticized, including limitations related to the registration of religious groups and control by the state apparatus.

history of Vietnamese Catholicism religious freedoms Vietnam political science of religion

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The Present and Future of Local Self-Government in the Republic of Kazakhstan

  • Author: Krystian Pachucki-Włosek
  • Institution: Jagiellonian University (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4527-5441
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 45-58
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202415
  • PDF: ppsy/53-2/ppsy2024204.pdf

After the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics (USSR), Kazakhstan’s policymakers recognized that the existing model of state governance had proved ineffective and needed to be changed. One of the necessary solutions was to carry out decentralization. The primary purpose of the following article is to outline the barriers that Kazakhstan needs to remove if it is serious about building local self-government independence. Confronting these with the President’s vision of the transformation of local self-government led to the following research questions: What organizational and legal issues remain unresolved or constitute a barrier to the construction of independent local government structures in the Republic of Kazakhstan after the collapse of the Soviet Union?; to what extent do the changes proposed by President Kasym Tokayev meet the real challenges in the context of expanding the autonomy of local power structures? Answering the questions posed was possible by analyzing legal acts and finding literature and press materials.

Kazakhstan Akim Maslikhat

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A Qualitative Analysis of Organizational Changes That Were Steered by the Results-Based Finance Program in Zimbabwe

  • Author: Artwell Manyera
  • Institution: University of Zimbabwe (Zimbabwe)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6727-5899
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 59-79
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202416
  • PDF: ppsy/53-2/ppsy2024205.pdf

The study analyzes qualitatively the organizational changes steered by the Results Based Finance program (RBF) in Zimbabwe using a case study of Marondera and Zvishavane districts. The research findings are based on the key informants’ responses from focus group discussions and in-depth interviews. Some qualitative information was sourced from field observations and institutional RBF reports. It was established that significant organizational changes had been driven since the launch of the RBF program in the Marondera and Zvishavane districts in 2011. The changes were categorically stipulated in the RBF program implementation manual. The responsibilities of executive members at both the district and provincial levels expanded. Some of the changes include the introduction of District Steering Committees (DSCs) and Community Based Organizations (CBOs). Furthermore, Health Centre Committees (HCCs) were engaged in implementing the RBF program. Nevertheless, the organizational changes were not augmented by capacity building and empowerment amongst the CBOs, HCCs, and DSCs. Moreover, there was no adequate material and financial support for the new changes. Thus, there is a need to reinforce the organizational changes of health financing programs through robust capacity building among stakeholders engaged.

qualitative analysis organizational changes results-based finance program Zimbabwe

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French Chambers of Commerce and Industry as Participants in Local Collaborative Governance and Collaborative Management

  • Author: Katarzyna Walkowiak
  • Institution: Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1568-7277
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 81-98
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202417
  • PDF: ppsy/53-2/ppsy2024206.pdf

Local governance continues to be one of the key concepts in the contemporary approach to the functioning of local government, administration, and public management. The most crucial premise of this concept is the interactive way of exercising power, where various actors identify and implement joint projects, including residents, community organizations, and public and private institutions. Despite significant interest in this concept, it needs further analysis and refinement. In academia, the lack of conceptual clarity makes it difficult to analyze and identify the differences in collaborative governance and management processes. In practice, the concept’s full potential is not recognized, which hinders its application in local decision-making. An attempt has been made to fill this research gap by analyzing the role of French chambers of commerce and industry as participants in local collaborative governance and collaborative management. Chambers of commerce and industry have a long tradition and are a permanent element of the French political system. Their current status is the outcome of a long historical process and institutional development closely linked to France’s significant political and economic changes. Through literature and data analysis, as well as the study of documents, selected aspects of the activity of chambers of commerce and industry in local collaborative governance and collaborative management are presented, as well as identifying the challenges faced by these institutions in the process of collaboration with local authorities and other stakeholders.

chambers of commerce and industry collaborative management collaborative governance local governance

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Interrogating School Environment as Determinant of Students’ Academic Achievement in Government as a School Subject

  • Author: Abayomi Ogunsola
  • Institution: Emmanuel Alayande University of Education (Nigeria)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9664-0605
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 99-109
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202418
  • PDF: ppsy/53-2/ppsy2024207.pdf

Several factors are responsible for attaining the academic success of the learners, but more importantly, the home environment, the school location, and other environmental factors surrounding the school go a long way in determining the teaching and learning outcome. The environment under which learning takes place influences, to a greater extent, the attainment of the students’ achievement. Therefore, this study interrogated the school environment as a determinant of students’ academic achievement in Government with detailed reference to the Atiba Local Government Area of Oyo State. Students studying Government as a school subject were the population of this study. Six (6) Senior Secondary Schools were drawn as samples. Twenty (20) students were selected from each school, totaling One Hundred and Twenty (120) participants. The questionnaire was adopted for data collection, while data analysis was by rank order, percentages, and mean. The study availed itself of both primary and secondary sources of data gathering and consequently discovered that the parents’ education and home environmental factors significantly impact students’ achievement in Government. It was recommended that the home and other environmental factors determine academic achievement, as this can accelerate the rate at which students learn and achieve their educational pursuits.

academic achievement school relocation environment government

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Liberals Among Us: Socio-Demographic Determinants of Liberal Attitudes in Poland

  • Author: Radosław Marzęcki
  • Institution: Pedagogical University of Cracow (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2915-8878
  • Author: Marcin Chmielowski
  • Institution: Freedom and Entrepreneurship Foundation (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6583-2260
  • Author: Kris Kaleta
  • Institution: Manchester Metropolitan University (United Kingdom)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3918-560X
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 111-135
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202419
  • PDF: ppsy/53-2/ppsy2024208.pdf

The authors of this article attempt to describe in detail the determinants and structure of the beliefs and views of Polish society on a liberal to anti-liberal values continuum. The first research objective was to determine the extent of social and economic freedom that respondents expect in their relations with others and in their relations with state institutions. In addition, the authors wanted to identify the socio-demographic characteristics that significantly differentiate these liberal orientations, as well as the factors that independently determine the adoption of liberal views. The detailed hypotheses were verified based on an analysis of data collected in a nationwide telephone survey (CATI) conducted on a representative sample of 1,000 adult Polish citizens. The survey used an original questionnaire consisting of 31 quantitative scales, which were used to construct the Liberalism/Libertarianism Index (LLI) and to categorize respondents into “Polish Liberals” and “Polish Libertarians.” Higher index values indicate stronger and more consistent liberal attitudes in economic as well as axiological (social) terms. More liberal orientations were found to be held by respondents declaring higher incomes, younger, better educated, and less religious, although only age, some party preferences, and religious practices act as independent predictors of LLI.

liberalism libertarianism ideology freedom social liberalism economic liberalism political attitudes correlates of liberalism

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“Not The Economy, Stupid?” – Exploring the Potential Causes of a Future Polexit Departure from the EU

  • Author: Artur Kozłowski
  • Institution: WSB Merito University in Gdańsk (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5359-192X
  • Author: Grzegorz Krzykowski
  • Institution: WSB Merito University in Gdańsk (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0321-7275
  • Author: Grahame Fallon
  • Institution: Brunel University (United Kingdom)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4066-6328
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 137-166
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202420
  • PDF: ppsy/53-2/ppsy2024209.pdf

This paper explores the economic and non-economic factors that could potentially lead to a Polish decision to remain within or leave the EU, following a future potential Polexit referendum. The study aims to determine the relative impact of Polish citizens’ values and attitudes on their support for their country’s continued EU membership and integration, at such a crucial time. The research is based on a survey conducted in December 2021, with a stratified sample of 1,517 respondents, and a statistical analysis of the findings. The results suggest that the relative importance of these factors could vary considerably, with economic factors potentially playing a less significant role than sociocultural and political elements. We argue that this projected outcome is likely to be influenced by citizens’ socio-demographic backgrounds, their perceived levels of economic security or insecurity, and differences in their economic and non-economic values, thereby creating potential opportunities for future populist Eurosceptic politicians in Poland to exploit, underlining the potential implications of these findings.

Brexit Polexit Poland EU fragmentation Euroscepticism EU support social components

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Functions of Fiscal Policy Concerning Agriculture in Poland After Accession to the European Union (2004–2022)

  • Author: Ryszard Kata
  • Institution: University of Rzeszów (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6085-3935
  • Author: Andrzej Czyżewski
  • Institution: University of Zielona Góra (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6233-6824
  • Author: Anna Matuszczak
  • Institution: Poznań University of Economics and Business (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5045-5447
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 167-188
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202421
  • PDF: ppsy/53-2/ppsy2024210.pdf

This study conducted a comprehensive and thorough evaluation of budget expenditures on agriculture in Poland from 2004 to 2022 through the prism of fiscal policy functions (i.e., allocative, redistributive, and stabilizing functions). The volume, fundamental dynamics and structure of the budget expenditures on agriculture were meticulously analyzed, as were the impacts of those expenditures on the implementation of key objectives of agricultural policy—that is, objectives related to the level and stability of farm income and the dynamics of investment in agriculture. It was determined that redistributive expenditures dominated the structure of budget expenditures on agriculture during the post-accession period. By contrast, the shares of allocative and stabilization expenditures fluctuated widely. Moreover, agricultural budget expenditures had a positive effect on reducing the income disparity of farmers relative to other socioeconomic groups. However, the redistributive effect of budget expenditures was only strong during the initial few years after Poland acceded to the European Union. The findings of this study revealed that agricultural budget expenditures have a positive effect on the stabilization of agricultural income and the investment activity of farmers, thereby supporting development processes in agriculture.

agricultural budget expenditures fiscal policy functions Common Agricultural Policy

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Social Services in the Era of Social Investment State in Poland and Czech Republic. The Case Analysis of the Child and Elderly Care Services

  • Author: Agnieszka Makarewicz
  • Institution: University of Wrocław (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0501-4810
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 189-202
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202422
  • PDF: ppsy/53-2/ppsy2024211.pdf

The investment approach in social policy, a response to the economic, social, and demographic changes in European countries, has its unique and intriguing interpretation in the Central European context. The article’s main aim is to identify and analyze two trends in the social policy of the EU Member States, which are coherent with the paradigm of the state of social investment. The first is the reduction of institutional support, resulting in deinstitutionalization and ceding the responsibility for care services to the family. The other trend reshaping the traditional models of social policy is the marketization of social care services provided to children and older adults. Because of their historical background, the countries analyzed, Poland and the Czech Republic, adopted the social investment paradigm, creating a unique and intriguing Central European interpretation.

social services familiarization childcare marketization elderly care social investment

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Electromobility: Safety or a Threat to Poland’s Transport?

  • Author: Katarzyna Głodowska
  • Institution: Military University of Technology (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1234-7506
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 203-220
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202423
  • PDF: ppsy/53-2/ppsy2024212.pdf

The trend following the purchase of electric-powered vehicles is currently the biggest challenge of the Polish automotive industry. Increasing restrictions and looming deadlines for selling electric-only cars contribute to their increasing purchase numbers. It is known that electric vehicles require a stable charging infrastructure. From 2020 to 2022, infrastructure development is significant in Poland, but is it sufficient? Is this the main drawback of owning an electric vehicle? More and more users are charging their cars locally at their places of residence, but not everyone has this option. This raises the question of whether it is safe to own an electric vehicle. Is it possible to cover the route from point A to point B without much trouble? Awareness of the need to stop longer to charge an electric vehicle is not a problem among the Polish public; a bigger and more significant issue is the number of publicly available charging points. Therefore, these topics will be analyzed more extensively in this article; the possibilities of alternative charging and energy harvesting methods will be presented, as the growing interest in electric-powered vehicles and the indicated questions regarding the development of charging infrastructure and safety for electric vehicle users will be answered.

electromobility vehicles electric charging

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Selected Issues Concerning Critical Infrastructure Security Management

  • Author: Bogusław Jagusiak
  • Institution: Military University of Technology (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5453-1649
  • Author: Waldemar Kaczmarek
  • Institution: Military University of Technology (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1046-8857
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 221-242
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202424
  • PDF: ppsy/53-2/ppsy2024213.pdf

Based on the assessment of contemporary reality, it can be said that one of the most critical functions of a modern state is to provide its citizens with an acceptable level of security – that is to say, to create optimal conditions for protection against hypothetical and real threats, such as potential natural disasters, consequences of civilizational advancements (accidents or man-made disasters), terrorist attacks, wars, and armed conflicts. It should be emphasized that in modern, democratic societies, the right of people (social groups) to be protected from numerous threats results from the legal, ethical, and moral norms in force, which have been developed in civilizational development and are based on historical experience. The research focused on analyzing normative documents (laws and regulations) and selected scientific and popular science literature dedicated to the functioning of the crisis management system and contemporary management. The synthetic conclusions of this analysis constitute the basis for further in-depth research.

critical infrastructure security security critical infrastructure

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Contents

  • Author: The Editors
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 3-4
  • DOI Address: -
  • PDF: ppsy/53-3/ppsy20243toc.pdf
  • Źródło: Polaż

Nationalism, Capitalism and Hostility Towards Environmental Policies: A Theoretical Study

  • Author: Piotr Walewicz
  • Institution: Kazimierz Wielki University in Bydgoszcz (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6878-4380
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 5-19
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202425
  • PDF: ppsy/53-3/ppsy2024301.pdf

The article explores a possible connection between nationalism, capitalism, and nationalist movements’ common hostility towards environmental policies. It draws from materialist assertions about the capitalogenic nature of ecological degradation and modernist theories of nationalism, which explain it as a product or by-product of capitalist modernization. By employing theories of nationalism’s instrumentality in preserving the existing social hierarchies, the article proposes that this approach might be extrapolated onto socioecological hierarchies, which are contested or have their fundamental rules challenged by many environmental policies. Nationalism may then be seen as an instrument of capital – personified by the privileged elites – taking advantage of an ideology that appeals to those ‘left behind’ by modernization and globalization to thwart or delay changes to the socioecological status quo. An identity-based movement is thus utilized to protect the continuing exploitation and appropriation of nature. This proposed connection underscores the need for further empirical research, which is crucial for a comprehensive understanding of the topic and its potential impact on environmental policies.

environmental skepticism environmental politics capitalism nationalism modernity

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Russkiy Mir (Russian World): An Exemplification of All-Russian Nationalism. The Strategy of Neo-Imperial Expansionism of the Russian Federation in Regional and Global Dimensions

  • Author: Marcin Orzechowski
  • Institution: University of Szczecin (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7272-6589
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 21-33
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202426
  • PDF: ppsy/53-3/ppsy2024302.pdf

Purpose: The primary aim of this article is to provide a comprehensive and indepth analysis of the Russian world (russkiy mir) as the main doctrine of neo-imperial expansionism. Russia consistently pursues the strategy of regaining influence in the post- Soviet area and, through the internationalization of the Russian world, seeks to achieve a dominant position on the European continent. The research problem is to analyze the extensive scope of influence of Russian ideology and the profound impact of this ideology on political and social processes taking place in other countries in Europe and the world. The impact through political and economic lobbying, propaganda, and informational operations of influence is extended not only to the area of the former USSR but also aimed at political circles and citizens of other European countries. Methods: The research optics adopted by the Author imply the use of the historical method of comparative and critical analysis of source texts. Result of the study: The analysis carried out leads to the conclusion that the ideology of the Russian world is expanding its sphere of influence mainly through propaganda and disinformation influence aimed at nationalist and Eurosceptic circles, including among representatives of the political elite of European countries identifying with such views.

neo-imperial expansionism political strategy Russian Federation nationalism

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Populist Neo-Nationalism: The Example of Austria

  • Author: Maria Marczewska-Rytko
  • Institution: Maria Curie-Skłodowska University (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4006-0476
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 35-48
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202427
  • PDF: ppsy/53-3/ppsy2024303.pdf

This article aims to analyze the phenomenon of populist neo-nationalism in Austria and answer the following research questions: 1. How can populism and its type of populist neo-nationalism be characterized?; 2. What are the determinants of populist neonationalism in Austria? 3. What are the ways populist neo-nationalism has been utilized in Austria? The Chantal Mouffe thesis was verified, according to which the development of populism is a response to the shortcomings of liberal and deliberative democracies. The research process used a methodology typical of the social sciences, especially the political sciences. Since the 1980s, we have addressed the growing importance of radical right-wing populism in European politics. Some researchers refer to this phenomenon as new populism or populist neo-nationalism. The party’s growing importance since 1986 was related, among other things, to the principles of Euroscepticism it proclaimed and its demands to limit or even ban immigration. The FPÖ’s achieved the most tremendous success under the government of Jörg Haider. Its entry into the ruling coalition has confused international relations.

Jörg Haider populist neo-nationalism Austria Populism

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Nationalist Tendencies in the Foreign Policy of Central European States on the Example of Poland and Hungary. Implementation of the Idea of a Sovereign State

  • Author: Andrzej Wojtaszak
  • Institution: University of Szczecin (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5615-9438
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 49-63
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202428
  • PDF: ppsy/53-3/ppsy2024304.pdf

Central Europe is associated with several cultural, economic, and geopolitical processes undergoing considerable intensification in the 21st century. The emergence of nationalist sentiment in this region of the continent coincides with it. This is particularly evident in countries politically dominated by radical right-wing ruling parties (e.g., Poland, Hungary), aiming to reshape the EU, opposing the system of liberal democracy in favor of social solidarity and a Europe of Homelands, rejecting the concepts of a federal Europe, and supporting the idea of national sovereignty. These concepts are taken up by conservative formations of a populist nature, which explain their activities with Eurorealism. The consequence of this policy is the emergence of new visions of Central Europe and the desire to increase the region’s role in international relations. An essential role in these processes is played by the politics of memory preferred by the ruling regimes.

the idea of a sovereign state nationalist tendencies Central Europe foreign policy politics of memory

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Legitimacy and Nationalism in the Central Asian States: A Case of Kazakhstan in the Context of the War in Ukraine

  • Author: Nartsiss Shukuralieva
  • Institution: Kazimierz Wielki University in Bydgoszcz (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4046-9738
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 65-77
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202429
  • PDF: ppsy/53-3/ppsy2024305.pdf

This paper aims to analyze selected mechanisms accompanying the processes of national revival in the Central Asian republics after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The idea is to investigate the authorities’ actions, which legitimized themselves by appealing to national issues and controlling the processes of building national consciousness. The paper also covers the changes in the nationalist narrative in Kazakhstan in the context of the war in Ukraine, showing the tensions over national identities and loyalties. Some Kazakhs supported Russian aggression against Ukraine, to the great disappointment of national patriots, which has sparked a debate about how the “us” vs. “them” division should be understood in the face of war and a possible threat from Russia. Some participants in the debate question the reliability of equating national identity with loyalty to the state. In doing so, they challenge the government’s primordial narrative, in which nationality legitimizes or naturalizes the current configuration of political power.

authoritarian power national loyalty legitimacy of power Russia-Ukraine war legitimacy Central Asia nationalism Kazakhstan national identity

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Looking for a Third Way. Tsai Ing-wen and the Taiwanese Nation-Building

  • Author: Michał Lubina
  • Institution: Jagiellonian University (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3342-1763
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 79-92
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202430
  • PDF: ppsy/53-3/ppsy2024306.pdf

Tsai Ing-wen, the president of the Republic of China (Taiwan) in 2016–2024, is one of Asia’s most extraordinary female political leaders. A self-made woman who managed to enter politics independently – she was not born into a political family as is usually the case in East Asia, Southeast Asia, and South Asia – and who succeeded in her presidency. Tsai has enhanced the global profile of her country and impressed the world by combating the COVID-19 pandemic in a model way. She has also skillfully handled delicate cross-strait relations despite Beijing’s growing assertiveness. Tsai and her presidency are important for several reasons; the one highlighted here is her role in enhancing and trying to modify Taiwanese nation-building. During her presidency, Tsai Ing-wen advocated a “Third Way,” officially called “21st Century Taiwan’s Overall Cultural Construction”, based on accepting both the Taiwaneseness and the heritage of the Republic of China and merging both of these features. In other words, it emphasizes Taiwaneseness while not rejecting Chineseness. This is an interesting and bold attempt to forge a compromised identity, but one with an uncertain future due to domestic and international variables.

Taiwanese nation-building Tsai Ing-Wen Republic of China Taiwan People’s Republic of China China

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The Formation of National Identity in Conditions of Existential Threat: The Cases of Ukraine and Taiwan

  • Author: Oleksii Polegkyi
  • Institution: Polish Academy of Sciences (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1025-551X
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 93-111
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202431
  • PDF: ppsy/53-3/ppsy2024307.pdf

Despite the distance, Ukraine and Taiwan share parallels in the domain of geopolitical struggle and identity issues. Both are experiencing an ongoing process of national identity strengthening and redefinition. External factors, such as Russia’s 2014 occupation of Crimea and the subsequent 2022 invasion of Ukraine and China’s increasing pressure on Taiwan, have shaped both Ukrainian and Taiwanese identities and people’s attitudes. On the one hand, this paper explores the transformation of Ukrainian identity in the wake of Russian aggression, focusing on how the invasion has influenced the strengthening of civic attachment among Ukrainians. On the other hand, we explore the development of Taiwanese identity in the context of growing distinctions from mainland China, primarily focusing on Taiwan’s ongoing democratization process and developing a self-confident national identity distinct from the mainland. The rise of Taiwanese identity coincided with growing sympathy for Taiwan’s independence. Additionally, we consider the evolving nature of civic and national identities, emphasizing their fluidity and adaptability in response to political and social complexity.

Russia-Ukraine war Taiwan conflict national identity Russia China Ukraine

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The Unhealed Wound of Radical Ukrainian Nationalism: The Russia-Ukraine War from Poland’s Perspective

  • Author: W. Julian Korab-Karpowicz
  • Institution: The Hebrew University of Jerusalem (Israel)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0735-0620
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 113-129
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202432
  • PDF: ppsy/53-3/ppsy2024308.pdf

The geopolitical location between Russia and Germany has historically determined Poland’s foreign policy, in which Ukraine has been given a privileged place. Polish policy-makers have perceived Ukrainian independence as the main barrier preventing the restoration of Russian imperial ambitions. Consequently, Poland has been unwavering in its commitment to supporting the Ukrainians in their resistance to the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. This attitude was visible in Poland’s Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki’s 2023 lecture at the University of Heidelberg. Nevertheless, relations between Ukraine and Poland and the current Russia-Ukraine conflict are far more complex than is mainly acknowledged. Behind Poland’s support, there is an unhealed wound of Ukrainian nationalism, which the current government in Ukraine does not want to unknowledge. The Ukrainian nationalist ideas, based on the slogan “Nation above all,” are very different from those of the Poles. Upon proper recognition of the multifaceted causes of war and the situation’s complexity, a cease-fire and a peaceful settlement of the Russia-Ukraine conflict could be achieved.

Russia-Ukraine conflict political violence Ukrainian Nationalism Euromaidan peace Russia Poland Ukraine

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The Impact of the War with Russia on Domestic Politics in Ukraine

  • Author: Tomasz Stępniewski
  • Institution: John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4581-5145
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 131-138
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202433
  • PDF: ppsy/53-3/ppsy2024309.pdf

This analytical paper explores the impact of Russia’s full-scale invasion on Ukrainian politics and society since 2022. The war has reshaped the political landscape, solidifying existing power structures while bringing military veterans and social organizations to the forefront. The role of Ukrainian oligarchs has diminished due to financial setbacks and the “anti-oligarch law,” though some are adapting through charitable activities. Additionally, the Ukrainian government is curtailing the influence of the Moscow-affiliated church as part of a broader decolonization effort. The article also examines how the conflict has accelerated Ukraine’s drive for EU and NATO integration, with rising public support fostering domestic reforms and anti-corruption measures.

political system of Ukraine war in Ukraine Russia Ukraine

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Decolonising Knowledge Production about Ukraine: A Security Aspect

  • Author: Ostap Kushnir
  • Institution: University of Portsmouth (United Kingdom)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4058-8059
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 139-153
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202434
  • PDF: ppsy/53-3/ppsy2024310.pdf

The article aims to identify some of the misrepresentations of Ukraine that originated in Russia and led to distorted perceptions of Ukraine in the English-speaking academia. Apart from that, the article aims to expose the reasons behind the emergence of such misrepresentations, the way to counter them, and the pitfalls of using them in security analysis. The article hypothesizes that the traditional colonial perception of Ukraine prevents Western scholars and policy-makers, whom these scholars consult, from adequately interpreting and securitizing the acuteness of the contemporary Russian threat. To complete the research, the article draws from decolonial and securitization theories. The article argues that the centuries-long othering and denial of agency of Ukraine, combined with the lack of specific expertise on the country and the colonial tradition of knowledge production, led to a comparatively inconsistent response of Western academia to the post-2014 Russian aggression against a sovereign nation. To address the existing inadequacy, Western scholars should become more open to the opinions of their Ukrainian colleagues, accept the merit of unconventional perspectives, and revise Russo-centrism in research frameworks and teaching curricula.

Russian colonialism Russo-Ukrainian war Ukrainian studies decolonization Russian aggression knowledge production securitization

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The Parties of the Polish People’s Movement in Exile Concerning the So-called Continuity of Polish Statehood in Exile

  • Author: Arkadiusz Indraszczyk
  • Institution: Siedlce University of Natural Sciences and Humanities (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9133-4062
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 155-171
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202435
  • PDF: ppsy/53-3/ppsy2024311.pdf

This study is of paramount importance as it delves into the attitudes of three Polish People’s Parties active in exile between 1945 and 1990 (Stronnictwo Ludowe “Wolność” (SLW), Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (PSL), Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe – Odłam Jedności Narodowej (PSL-OJN)) towards the recognition of the Polish Constitution of April 1935 and the permanence of the Polish authorities in exile – the so-called legalism. The study primarily used content analysis as the primary research method to analyze the content of the provenance materials of the studied parties, such as political programs, minutes of meetings, articles in the party press, and correspondence. Scientific literature was also used. The research concludes that each of the three researched parties presented different views on the issues indicated above, although the opinions of the SLW and PSL-OJN were quite similar. These parties were in favor of recognizing the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of April 1935 as binding and the construction of the authorities of the Republic of Poland in exile on the basis of the provisions of that Constitution. A different position was presented by the PSL, which rejected the Polish Constitution of 1935 in its entirety.

Stronnictwo Ludowe “Wolność” polish political emigration Polish authorities in exile legalism Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe

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Evaluation of the “Street and Abroad” Strategy Implemented by Political Opposition in Poland under the Rule of Law and Justice

  • Author: Katarzyna Marzęda-Młynarska
  • Institution: Maria Curie-Skłodowska University (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4608-7290
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 173-192
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202436
  • PDF: ppsy/53-3/ppsy2024312.pdf

After the 2015 parliamentary elections in Poland, the parties that moved to the opposition declared themselves the “total opposition” and adopted the “Street and Abroad” strategy, the aim of which was to organize anti-government protests in the country and to use foreign fora, including above all EU mechanisms, to fight the new right-wing government, criticize its actions and eventually remove it from power. The paper aims to assess the effectiveness of the strategy adopted by the Polish opposition after seven years of right-wing rule. The subject of particular interest is, on the one hand, the evaluation of the “Street” strategy on the example of mass protests concerning courts, abortion, and the media. On the other hand, the “Abroad” strategy was analyzed through the impact of the European Parliament’s resolution on social mobilization, electoral preferences, and the level of support for the ruling party. For this purpose, the leading indicators of support for opposition parties published by opinion polling centers were used in the examples analyzed.

strategy “Street and Abroad” social mobilization political opposition Poland Law and Justice

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Stakeholders’ Perception of Causes and Consequences of ASUU Strike Among Public Universities in Nigeria: 1999–2022

  • Author: Aun Thompson Toryuha
  • Institution: University of Ilorin (Nigeria)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0001-5081-9589
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 193-205
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202437
  • PDF: ppsy/53-3/ppsy2024313.pdf

One of the ways workers express their displeasure to their respective employers is through industrial action or strike, as it is commonly called. This study investigated the causes and consequences of the Academic Staff Union of Universities strike among public universities in Nigeria. The study employed the descriptive survey method. The population of the study comprised all the 91 public universities in Nigeria; the sample of the study was 400 stakeholders, comprising of lectures, students, parents, transporters, and marketers across all the public universities in the nation, who were selected using multistage sampling procedure of purposive and simple random sampling at their respective public universities. Four hundred respondents were sampled from twelve (12) universities, where 33 respondents were selected from each university. The data collection instrument for this study was a self-designed questionnaire titled “Stakeholders’ Perception of Prevalence, Causes, and Consequences of ASUU Strike among Public Universities in Nigeria: 1999-2022 (SPCCASPUN)”. The questionnaire was on a 5-point Likert scale containing 24 items, validated via experts/professionals with a reliability of 0.87 obtained using a split-half method. At the same time, the data was analyzed using descriptive and inferential statistics of mean rating, percentage, and t-test. Findings of the study revealed, amongst others, that poor budgetary allocation to the education sector, failure of the federal government to honor their long-term agreement, staff bonuses, the politicization of the ASUU strike, revitalization of universities, etcetera are causes of the ASUU strike. As identified by the stakeholders, the consequences include loss of interest in school due to increased social vices, the rush of academic programs, missing out on NYSC and other job opportunities, and loss of sponsorship, among others. It was concluded that both the government and ASUU should come to terms and resolve the issue once and for all to avoid future reoccurrence.

consequences AUUS-strike stakeholders causes

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A Comparative Analysis of the Logistic Capabilities of Selected Land Intermodal Terminals: The Polish Case Study for States of Emergency

  • Author: Bohdan Pac
  • Institution: WSB Merito University Gdańsk (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0925-785X
  • Author: Szymon Mitkow
  • Institution: Military University of Technology (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2845-2589
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 207-243
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202438
  • PDF: ppsy/53-3/ppsy2024314.pdf

The NATO process of civil emergency planning (CEP) is a tool that allows the Allied forces to extend their logistic support capabilities in crisis periods and on a war footing. The civil logistic infrastructure is a “backbone” of national logistic systems. The Allies’ strategic concept has increased reliance on general civil resources and transportation assets to meet military requirements for strategic and operational mobility and sustain operational forces. The following study presents a conceptual model for evaluating the logistic capabilities of land intermodal terminals, discussed in the example of Poland, using methods implemented in management and quality sciences. The results can help configure logistic transport chains and evaluate capabilities to provide logistic services to potential recipients during crises and war. Intermodal transport is a typical service implemented by sea-land transport chains, where land facilities serve as essential elements. Therefore, land intermodal terminals play a crucial role in the state’s logistic system and logistic support when a crisis or a conflict is in progress. It is mainly applied to support national and allied forces in the joint operations area.

logistic support container cargo logistic capabilities logistic interoperability intermodal terminal states of emergency security

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The Re-integration of Regional Studies as a Sub-Discipline of International Relations

  • Author: Jakub Zajączkowski
  • Institution: University of Warsaw (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1459-3850
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 5-24
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202439
  • PDF: ppsy/53-4/ppsy2024401.pdf

The aim of this article is to analyse the ontological and epistemological dimensions of the main stages of the development of regional studies as a sub-discipline of international relations. The research problem of the article focuses on the interdependence and significance of regional studies as a sub-discipline within the scholarly discipline of international relations. The issue of regionalism and the region arose in the period of the establishment of international relations as a scholarly discipline during the interwar years, and was further conceptualized in the 1950s and 1960s during the Cold War period. The status of regional studies was then marginalized in methodological, ontological and epistemological discourse by the main theoretical trends of international relations. As a result, it was only after the end of the Cold War that we witnessed a gradual, systemic process of reintegration of regional studies within the discipline. This article argues that the reintegration of regional studies into the discipline of international relations is a function of two parallel processes that are interrelated: the transformation of the liberal international order after the end of the Cold War and increased pluralism in scholarly discourse within the discipline of international relations. These developments and their associated academic implications have contributed to the consolidation and strengthening of regional studies as a major subdiscipline of international relations.

Liberal International Order Sub-discipline Regional and Global Studies discipline of international relations regional studies

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An Interaction Between Regional Power and Liberal International Order (LIO): A Case Study of India and Indonesia

  • Author: Saroj Kumar Aryal
  • Institution: University of Warsaw (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5094-3590
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 25-42
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202440
  • PDF: ppsy/53-4/ppsy2024402.pdf

The main aim of this paper is to find a pattern in the possible way the regional and global order interact with each other. To analyse the interaction, India and Indonesia are presented as the case studies. The rationale behind choosing India and Indonesia is, that both of them since their independence have had similar foreign policies and approaches to international order. On the other hand, both of the countries have been coined as the rising power in the current international relations. While the system-led analysis generalizes the top-to-bottom approach to explain the interaction between regional and global order, the increasing multiplicities in the distribution of power made it more difficult to simply generalise it. Thus, this article attempts to fill that gap.

Global Politics Foreign Policy Analysis Liberal International Order (LIO) India Indonesia

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EU-ASEAN Political Relations in the Light of Values and Norms of the International Liberal Order

  • Author: Joanna Starzyk-Sulejewska
  • Institution: University of Warsaw (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3402-7087
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 43-64
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202441
  • PDF: ppsy/53-4/ppsy2024403.pdf

The article aims to analyse the significance of liberal norms and values in the development of political relations between the EU and ASEAN, an issue which has been only selectively analysed in academic literature. At the same time, the topic of the article fits into a broader landscape of issues associated with the development of relations between international intergovernmental organisations in contemporary international relations, only partially studied in Polish and international literature to date. Considering the essential framework of classic constructivism, as well as significant contributions added by critical constructivism, the article formulates a research hypothesis whereby the European Union and ASEAN are organisations which, while recognising the importance of liberal values and norms, take a different approach to their promotion and protection. The European Union, which attempted to act towards ASEAN as an interpreter and diffuser of the aforementioned values and norms in the 1990s, adopted a pragmatic approach over time, in response to ASEAN’s stance and actions, limiting its role in this respect and taking regional conditions and dependencies into account. In order to verify this hypothesis, three research questions were formulated, namely: What is the place of liberal norms and values in the EU and ASEAN policy documents? Is the respect and protection of liberal norms and values an important element declared in mutual relations? How do both sides approach the implementation of liberal norms and values in practice in selected cases? This article is structured around these issues and discusses the significance of liberal norms and values in EU and ASEAN policy documents, the place and role of liberal norms and values in documents underpinning EUASEAN relations and in EU documents formulated towards ASEAN and the Southeast Asian region and also provides an analysis of EU and ASEAN policy towards Myanmar.

values and norms of the international liberal order relations between regional international intergovernmental organizations Association of Southeast Asia (ASEAN) political relations European Union (EU)

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India as the Vishwaguru and a Challenge to the Liberal International Order

  • Author: Patryk Kugiel
  • Institution: University of Warsaw (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8605-1391
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 65–78
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202442
  • PDF: ppsy/53-4/ppsy2024404.pdf

India’s role in the post-Cold War liberal international order (LIO) has primarily been examined in terms of whether it can become a revisionist or status quo power, both politically and economically. However, the concept of India as a ‘Vishwaguru’ (world teacher), promoted by the BJP government of Narendra Modi since 2014, projects India as a source of norms and principles that can govern international relations. This raises the question of how this new proposal might affect the LIO? Using a ‘normative power’ concept, this chapter seeks to understand the ‘Vishwaguru’ as an alternative proposition of ordering international system. It looks at critical government and ruling party documents, speeches by BJP leaders and supporters, and existing literature to better understand the rationale and goals of this new approach. It finds that India is thereby undermining Western dominance of the global discourse on the international system and poses a normative challenge to the political and economic LIO. While India’s approach reveals its ambitions for global power, it also contains essential flaws and contradictions that will limit the effectiveness of this strategy.

normative power Vishwaguru Liberal International Order global order West India

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Mexico’s Foreign Policy’s Vision of the International Order: An Emerging Power’s Response to U.S.-China Hegemonic Competition

  • Author: Jorge A. Schiavon
  • Institution: Universidad Iberoamericana Ciudad de México (Mexico)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6962-088X
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 79-89
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202443
  • PDF: ppsy/53-4/ppsy2024405.pdf

This paper analyzes Mexico’s foreign policy’s vision of the international order visà-vis the hegemonic competition between China and the United States to better understand the country’s strategies and priorities as an emerging power. The article explains how the Mexican foreign policy strategy as an emerging power reflects its interpretation of its national interest: to maximize its national sovereignty and autonomy by establishing a special relationship with the United States, and defending the fundamental constitutive rules and norms of the international order. By doing so, it benefits from access to the U.S. market and investment, and a stable international system, without assuming the costs of participating directly in international conflicts —especially those which are costly and perceived as distant from Mexican affairs.

emerging power U.S.-China hegemonic competition Mexican foreign policy International Order

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The Production of Liminal Spaces in the Liberal International Order: An Analysis from the Perspective of Brazil’s Non-Alignment Towards the War in Ukraine

  • Author: Marta Fernández
  • Institution: Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-0282-2580
  • Author: Maíra Siman Gomes
  • Institution: Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9042-3717
  • Author: Francine Rossone
  • Institution: Pontifical Catholic University of Rio de Janeiro (Brazil)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3905-9515
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 91-106
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202444
  • PDF: ppsy/53-4/ppsy2024406.pdf

Brazil’s position towards the War in Ukraine sheds light on fundamental ambiguities of Brazil’s contemporary self-representations. While Brazil has traditionally defined itself in relation to its identification with the West, it has simultaneously recognized and often claimed its significant place in the “Global South”, either as a Latin American country or as part of coalitions balancing against a western-centric order, such as BRICS. These multiple self-representations have favoured foreign policy analyses that emphasize the country´s ambiguous stance in the international order. This article proposes to take Brazil´s non-alignment as an analytical prism to reflect on the in-between spaces and categories that emerge from polarizing narratives of the liberal international order. By adopting the theoretical lens of liminality in International Relations (Rumelili, 2012), the article shows how the narrative on the “new Cold War” in the context of the war in Ukraine (re)produces liminal spaces as different actors, such as Brazil, are unsuccessfully forced into established social categories, which in turn exposes the very instability of polarities in international politics, such as West and East or North and South, and of the liberal world order itself.

non-alignment Brazil Liberal International Order liminality war in Ukraine

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The Role of Emerging Powers in International System: A Case Study of Brazil

  • Author: Kai Enno Lehmann
  • Institution: Universidade de São Paulo (Brazil)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7516-4240
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 107-124
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202445
  • PDF: ppsy/53-4/ppsy2024407.pdf

Brazil has come in for a lot of criticism for some of the positions it has taken in response to what has been called a period of ‘permanent crisis’ in world politics. European leaders in particular have shown themselves to be perplexed about what they consider to be contradictory positions in response to two crises in particular: the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 and the Israeli war in Gaza in response to the Hamas terrorist attacks on 7 October 2023. Yet, the Brazilian response to these crises should not have come as a surprise. Using the conceptual frameworks of Complexity and Human Systems Dynamics, as well as complexity mapping as an illustrative model, this paper argues that the Brazilian positions to these crises are both predictable and internally coherent. What is lacking is mutual knowledge and understanding of these positions. Increasing such understanding is critical as a way of working together more effectively stopping the waste of political capital on issues over which outsiders have little to no influence.

Emerging Powers Brazil Liberal International Order Global South international system

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A Pawn in the Great Game. Latin America and the Emerging Global Order

  • Author: Anita Oberda Monkiewicz
  • Institution: University of Warsaw (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8216-5113
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 125-140
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202446
  • PDF: ppsy/53-4/ppsy2024408.pdf

The main assumption of the article is to demonstrate that Latin America, while underrated in the discussion on the international order, has had a significant impact on its functioning. Upon the emergence of a new global balance of power, the region must redefine its international position, which it does primarily by pragmatic alignment with the dynamic international reality and searching for new channels of global insertion. This way, it seeks to minimize the threat posed by the growing rivalry of superpowers and to possibly maximize the resulting potential profits. The article relies on the assumption that Latin America’s activity in the face of the formation of the global order is driven primarily by the overarching goal of the foreign policy of the countries of the region, which is to ensure their autonomy. At the same time, Latin America, rooted both in the Western world and identifying with the Global South, sought to turn its unfortunate perception as a peripheral area into an advantage of sorts, offering concepts such as Active Non-Alignment, going far beyond the passive acceptance of international reality.

active non-alignment international world order autonomy USA Latin America China

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Comparative Study of Maritime Governance in the Global South – in Search for the Broader Cooperation

  • Author: Tomasz Łukaszuk
  • Institution: University of Warsaw (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5613-7503
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 141-164
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202447
  • PDF: ppsy/53-4/ppsy2024409.pdf

The article’s primary purpose is to analyse maritime governance in the Global South. The Global South is responsible for the most significant share of living and non-living resources and the vastest part of the world’s seas and oceans. State and non-state actors located in the Southern Hemisphere face similar challenges of unsustainable exploitation of fishery and fossils, growing expansion of the Global North, illicit actions of non-state actors threatening the security of Sea Lines of Communication, and climate change posing existential jeopardy through the rise of sea level. The article attempts to answer the research questions of how the Global South countries differ in their maritime governance approaches, the reasons behind those differences, and what common points can be identified in their actions. The comparative study is applied to find differences and similarities in their search for the most effective model of maritime governance. The basis of the comparative study is not three oceans – Indian, Pacific, and Atlantic, but two continents – Africa and Asia, and their institutional frameworks in significant areas of maritime governance – legal, security, and blue economy. The article claims that existing channels of coordination and several ideas proposed by leaders of the Global South within the United Nations and regional trade and political platforms of cooperation in the 21st century could serve as instruments enabling the implementation of ideas of trans-continental cooperation and oceanic corridors.

maritime governance Global South blue economy maritime security UNCLOS Africa Asia

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EU Development Policy: Reducing North-South Disparities

  • Author: Simant Shankar Bharti
  • Institution: University of Economics and Human Sciences in Warsaw (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9578-7066
  • Author: Katarzyna Kołodziejczyk
  • Institution: University of Warsaw (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7813-299X
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 165-178
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202448
  • PDF: ppsy/53-4/ppsy2024410.pdf

The European Union’s development cooperation policy has evolved significantly since its inception in the Treaty of Rome (1957). The main aim of the study is to find the objectives of the EU to reduce disparities between the Global North and the Global South. Despite several policy attempts to bridge the developmental gaps in the Global South, the North-South divide remains a significant challenge. This article analyses how the EU has been actively working to address the disparities between the Global North-South through its development policy. Qualitative empirical analysis involves the interpretation of the EU reports, press briefs, and strategy papers and analysing them to understand concepts, perspectives, and experiences from both primary and secondary sources, as well as Global South responses. The analysis underscores the EU’s dual role as a promoter of international development and a strategic actor balancing political, economic, and security interests.

Reduction Disparities North-South Divide Global South development policy European Union

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Governance as a Framework for Global Deliberative Institutions. A Case Study of the BRICS and Emerging Global South

  • Author: Marek Rewizorski
  • Institution: University of Gdańsk (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8075-8388
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 179-189
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202449
  • PDF: ppsy/53-4/ppsy2024411.pdf

This article aims to analyse governance as a framework for decision-making, a limes of rationality in terms of broadband deliberation and a bedrock for the rise and transformation of the Global South. Governance will be approached broadly – more as the conceptualisation and framing of political solutions – than narrowly conceived political steering focused on state power and reminiscent of control. The article will provide an opportunity to discuss the characteristics of governance in the public sphere and gain insight into deliberation as a central institution within the governance framework. It will also introduce a discussion about continuity and change in global governance from the standpoint of the emerging Global South capable of building countervailing, deliberative institutions of global governance (the BRICS) that explicitly distanced non-Western states from incumbent powers as well as accentuated change and continuity in global governance from the solidarity-based initiative around the ‘Bandung spirit’.

Informal Intergovernmental Institution G7 Global South BRICS deliberation

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The Compatibility of the Concept of Hegemony with the Assumptions of Neorealism: A Critical Evaluation of the “Progressiveness” of the Neorealist Research Programme and Its Implications for Future Development

  • Author: Maciej Herbut
  • Institution: University of Wrocław (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6993-5857
  • Author: Marcin Adamczyk
  • Institution: University of Wrocław (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3432-0358
  • Author: Michał Siekierka
  • Institution: Association “Projekt Akademia” (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5034-8265
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 191-203
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202450
  • PDF: ppsy/53-4/ppsy2024412.pdf

With the end of the Cold War research on hegemony has attracted the interest of scholars in IR. Representatives of different schools of thought, such as Neoliberalism or the English school, successfully adopted the term to the new international context. Concepts such as “legitimate” or “soft” hegemony have enriched the discourse in IR. At the same time, realists and neorealists seemed to be on the defensive, as classical and material perceptions of hegemony became outdated. Regardless, with the intensifying US-Chinese rivalry as well as the revisionist policies of the Russian Federation, the IR community seems to look at realist writings more favorably. This research focuses on one of the most prominent research programs in IR, neorealism, and its compatibility with the concept of hegemony. By adopting Imre Lakatos’ concept of Research Programmes, we prove the core ideas of neorealism do not contradict hegemony. This opens perspectives for further work on the concept we refer to as hegemonic neorealism.

hegemonic neorealism Lakatos’ Research Programmes hegemony neorealism

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Global and Local Conflict Schemas in the Discourse of the Russia-Ukraine War

  • Author: Piotr Cap
  • Institution: University of Łódź (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7685-4112
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 205-226
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202451
  • PDF: ppsy/53-4/ppsy2024413.pdf

This paper explores the discourse of the Russia-Ukraine war to outline the dominant narrative schemas anchored in the spatial geopolitical representations of globalness and localness. It uses tools from the domains of critical cognitive discourse studies and narrative research (alternative futures, discourse scenarios, deictic space, proximization) to distinguish between two most salient schemas: the Global Conflict Schema GCS narrative and the Local Conflict Schema LCS narrative. The GCS narrative conceptualizes the Russia-Ukraine war as a growing international conflict, producing serious political, economic and material consequences for the global community. GCS uses coercive rhetoric to call for immediate measures to support Ukraine so the war can be stopped before spreading beyond its current borders. The principal narrator of GCS is Ukraine, though the narrative is recontextualized in other countries located in geographical proximity to the conflict. The LCS narrative, performed mostly by the Kremlin, construes the war as a local conflict providing no reasons for foreign intervention. LCS is distinctive for its large number of sub-narratives appropriated for different geopolitical audiences, which include the Russian and Ukrainian people, and different audience groups in the West and the Global South. The latter groups re-contextualize the LCS narrative, focusing primarily on economic issues.

spatial representation political narrative Global Conflict Schema GCS Local Conflict Schema LCS Russia-Ukraine war

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Civil Society Role(s) in the Ukrainian Refugee Crisis – Responses in Poland and Romania

  • Author: Agnieszka Bejma
  • Institution: University of Warsaw (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9615-2687
  • Author: Emanuela Ignățoiu-Sora
  • Institution: University of Bucharest (Romania)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0001-2014-9449
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 227-242
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202452
  • PDF: ppsy/53-4/ppsy2024414.pdf

Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 led to the largest refugee movement in Europe since World War II (Bathke, 2023). It is estimated that around a third of Ukraine’s population has either fled the country or was displaced internally (UNHCR). However, contrary to the other significant humanitarian crisis in Europe, the refugee crisis in 2015, the literature for the current one is still under development (Näre, Abdelhady, Irastorza, 2022). Its implications are massive and yet to fully grasp. Directions of research also differ: whilst for the 2015 crisis, many papers underlined its racialized treatment, the underdoing crisis is particularly explored in relation to the role of the civic society in its management. Taking this into account, we aim to draw a comparison between the reception of the Ukrainian refugees in Poland and Romania, with a particular focus on the role(s) undertook by NGOs to support the activities taken by the state. This is especially important for illustrating the significant – and crucial role of NGOs in providing aid to the victims of this armed conflict.

humanitarian aid refugee crisis Romania war in Ukraine non-governmental organizations civil society Poland

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