After the beginning of the conflict in Ukraine and Russia’s annexation of the Crimean Peninsula, the Czech Republic became fully aware of the threats posed by the Kremlin despite President Zeman has denied the presence of Russian troops in Ukraine and has criticised the EU sanctions against Russia. Czechia belongs to the group of countries through which Russia influences the EU, to gradually and deliberately erode its structures. Russia exerts a strong influence on the Czech Republic by non-military means, including disinformation and propaganda, the activities of secret services, and penetration of its economy and specifically its energy sector. The article aims to answer the question about the role of Russian disinformation and propaganda in the context of Russian influence in the Czech Republic. The role of Russian disinformation and propaganda and how Russia influences Czechia is extensively analysed. The main hypothesis is that Russia treats the Czech Republic as a key state for espionage and disinformation activities and as a zone of influence, undermining the sovereignty of the Czech Republic and the role of NATO and the EU.

Gathering evidence is of utmost importance in any legal proceeding. However, sometimes, one of the parties may hide specific evidence, which complicates the adjudicators’ reaching of a fair conclusion. For such cases, judges or arbitrators can use several tools, one of which is adverse inference. An adverse inference is a negative conclusion that may be drawn from a party’s failure to provide some evidence without a valid excuse for non-production. By drawing it, adjudicators assume this evidence would harm the party’s interests. At the same time, adverse inference is quite a radical tool because it may strongly impact the final decision. Because of this, adjudicators are sometimes cautious about using it. This paper analyzes the notion of adverse inference in the context of the dispute resolution mechanism available in the WTO. In particular, three cases were summarized in which the Appellate Body made interesting findings regarding the application of adverse inference. As a result of the work, conclusions from these cases are made that can be used by lawyers in future WTO disputes, as well as in other international and national dispute resolution fora.

By assuming a proactive role in international environmental regimes and extending the ‘green’ dimensions of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), China has been seeking to promote itself as a leader and responsible stakeholder in global environmental governance. This article examines this development concerning the notion of China’s ‘soft power’ and, more specifically, the notion of ‘green soft power’ – which aims to bridge the traditional concept of soft power with a state’s behavior on environmental and climate issues. China presents an interesting case since it has accrued a considerable amount of green soft power through its multilateral environmental diplomacy practiced at the Conferences of the Parties (COPs), the high-profile annual United Nations Climate Change Conferences, but its patchy deployment of environmental standards in the bilateral engagements under the BRI highlights the contradictions in referring to China as a green soft power. With these ideas in mind, this article holds that in the search to understand the evolving nature of China’s responsible stakeholder role, attention should be given to exploring the notion of green soft power.

The article aims to explain Navalny’s team’s political strategy after his arrest, focusing on the activity before the State Duma elections. This is an important issue from the point of view of the impact of leadership on a political organization in a system evolving from a hybrid regime to an authoritarian regime. As confirmed by the author’s research, the organization adapts to new conditions without a leader. Still, it is predestined to disintegrate and reduce the effectiveness of implementing the updated political strategy.

Scapegoating and Conspiracy Theories during COVID-19 Antisemitism has unfortunately persisted throughout history, and the COVID-19 pandemic has not been an exception to this troubling trend. The conditions created by the pandemic, such as fear, uncertainty, and anxiety, have fueled the emergence and spread of conspiracy theories targeting various groups, including Jewish communities. The COVID-19 pandemic has triggered a plethora of baseless beliefs and conspiracy theories about its causes, which have contributed to the rise of antisemitism during this time. Pandemics, including the COVID-19 pandemic, inherently create anxiety and uncertainty among populations. This change has affected many areas, both political and social. Conspiracy theories that base the cause of the emergence of COVID-19 on Jewish identity are an essential factor for this study. Tendencies toward antisemitism and scapegoating have supported these conspiracy theories. In this study, how antisemitism manifested itself in media and online discourse during COVID-19 and how Jewish identity is affected by the process.

This article examines the transformation of political discourse on women’s rights and women-oriented NGOs in Tanzania, focusing on successive state administrations within the same political party, led by John Pombe Magufuli and Jakaya Kikwete. The analysis unfolds through three key phases: first, characterizing the habitus of Tanzanian women’s NGOs; second, examining the evolving narratives in government-NGO relations; and third, briefly exploring the political discourse during the Kikwete and Magufuli presidencies. The research methodology is based on extensive desk research and two field studies conducted in Tanzania. Rather than adhering to a preconceived theory, our research approach is guided by theorems and selected frameworks. Pierre Bourdieu’s theoretical concepts, particularly ‘habitus’ and the ‘exchangeability of different forms of capital,’ underpin our argument and interpretation of the data. The study shows that while elements of anti-feminism are evident in Magufuli’s political discourse, accusations of promoting toxic masculinity are mainly unfounded. At the same time, it argues that the critique of women’s empowerment and women-focused NGOs can be attributed to Magufuli’s unique mode of accumulating political and economic capital, leading to heightened distrust in the relationship between these NGOs and the Tanzanian government.

The analysis is based on theoretical assumptions characteristic of the multi-order world by Trine Flockhart concept. The main factor influencing the situation in the Indo-Pacific region is the conflict between two international orders, Chinese-led and American-led, which is economic but may take a military form in the future. The practical limitations of the article result from the complex process of analyzing and forecasting political phenomena in statu nascendi. The analysis contributes to the scientific discussion on the future of international relations in the Indo-Pacific region. The American-led order in the Indo-Pacific region is based on the institutionalized forms of cooperation involving Anglo-Saxon states based on identity factors determining their effectiveness. The US strategy for the Indo-Pacific is mainly based on the network of partnerships with the region’s countries and countries from other parts of the world supporting the American-led order in the region, especially the Anglo-Saxon countries. In addition to identity factors, the positive long-term experience of military cooperation between the Anglo-Saxon countries is significant. The escalation of the global conflict between the US and China will be conducive to further tightening this cooperation.

This article analyses Turkey’s foreign policy concerning the status quo of the post-Arab uprisings through the prism of regional hegemony theory. The aspiring regional hegemon is identified through criteria applied to Turkish foreign policy, recontextualizing soft power initiatives of the previous decades with current hard power policies. The article suggests that while the Arab uprisings played a vital part in the redefinition of Turkish foreign policy, Erdoğan’s domestic priorities informed its recalibration to weather political difficulties and maintain power. The objective would be to challenge the status quo shepherded by the West during the twentieth century as articulated by the Mavi Vatan doctrine, the motivation to renegotiate the Lausanne treaty, the conversion of the Hagia Sophia into a mosque, and even the escalating Erdoğan-Macron verbal feud. Turkey’s aspirations for regional hegemony are evidenced in policies including military intervention, diplomatic and economic support to state entities, escalation of tensions with other regional powers, and Erdoğan’s consolidation of power over Turkish domestic affairs.

The study attempts to analyze the implications of the war in Ukraine for the issues of development and inequalities in the BRICS block. The so-called “emerging economies” play an essential role in the global system, both in economic and political terms. The article compares the political and economic backgrounds of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, their development, the “status quo” and their future aspirations, and analyses how the war in Ukraine may change the global development scenario. It is essential after the BRICS summit in South Africa invited six new members to the group. The article is rooted in complexity theory, supported by a mixed methodology approach. We show how the given research methodology, informed by complexity theory, can furnish new insights into global sustainability. The statistical method was used to gauge the correlation-regression impact of inequalities in BRICS countries on their sustainable development. The analysis allows several conclusions to be ventured: sustainable development is closely linked to inequalities and vice versa; the war has had a significant, multidimensional impact on the development paths and inequalities in the BRICS countries, which potentially could worsen, and the war is a major shocking event that can lead to global system changes and implications which are broader than merely for the subregion.

The purpose of the research, the results of which are presented in this article, was to clarify the mechanisms of strategic competition and to identify the challenges and threats arising from it for international security. A systemic approach, literature analysis and criticism, non-participatory observation, and a case study were used to solve the research problems. In the research process, it was established that strategic competition is constantly intensifying, and its consequences can harm global security. The process of strategic competition should be viewed as challenges that, if not addressed, can quickly develop into new threats. The most significant threats to international security are related to the ambitions of revisionist states seeking territorial claims and expanding spheres of influence. Although the risk of global war remains relatively low, states will seek to permanently influence their competitors in the gray zone through soft instruments. Soft influence instruments will dominate it. The effectiveness of these tools will be determined by the world’s interconnectedness in the economic and political spheres. States will try to achieve their strategic goals in cyberspace and narrative using traditional mass media and social media.

The paper examines the intricate relationship between armed conflict and regional integration, focusing on its role as an ‘undoing’ force in the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) context. A significant element of development and economic cooperation in Africa is the perennial problem of violent conflict in almost all sub-regions. Moreover, organized crime is rising across the continent, coupled with the emergence of new forms of violence associated with today’s globalization and other post-Cold War phenomena. Globalization has led to greater interdependence among countries and fostered cooperation among states. However, a country’s internal conflict often has repercussions beyond its borders and threatens regional and global peace and stability. In addition, armed conflict can affect countries’ relations and state cooperation. Peace provides a good foundation for development and economic cooperation, while development ensures the permanence of peace. The central question addressed in this paper is whether constructive regional economic integration and cooperation can be effectively achieved while some African countries are experiencing armed conflict. A qualitative research approach is used to analyze how armed conflict will likely negatively impact the achievement of AfCFTA goals.

Central Asia is revealing itself as an area where the problem of access to water and its current regional dynamics are almost at a radically critical level, where the potential risk of water disputes is still one of the highest in the world. Therefore, water scarcity issues and challenges triggered by the Aral Sea syndrome, the existing water mismanagement system, infrastructural and investment projects of dams and water reservoirs (Rogun, Naryn, Kambarata, Toktogul, etc.) and their transformation towards an existential threat will be analyzed within the securitization prism through the selected speech acts. This article will contribute to developing a new analytical framework of Regional Security Complex Theory (RSCT) and the securitization theory in water stress. The efforts undertaken in this article will ultimately lead to the development of a new approach to issues of water security and hydro politics within the concept of the Regional Water Security Complex (RWSC) on the example of the Central Asian region. The main research question will be to what extent water, as an immanent feature of this complex, is politicized and securitized. An important question will also be how the formulated security language indicates the existential nature of water as a security problem in the region.

The paper presents the characteristics of the rail transport system, including passenger and freight transport during the Covid-19 pandemic. The entities responsible for the safety of the railway sector were presented, among which were the Railway Transport Office, the company PKP PLK S.A., and the Railroad Security Guard, which played the most critical role. The paper presents statistical data for railway accidents and casualties in 2018–2021. It was noted that the Covid-19 pandemic significantly reduced passenger and freight transport. 2021 was the European Year of Railways; it was also an exceptional, demanding, and significant year for changes taking place on the railways. Throughout this time, the Office of Rail Transport promoted rail as a safe, ecological, and comfortable means of transport. Based on statistics and empirical research, the main problems of the railway sector were discussed, and the research hypothesis was verified positively.