Contents
- Year of publication: 2024
- Source: Show
- Pages: 3-4
- DOI Address: -
- PDF: ppsy/53-3/ppsy20243toc.pdf
- Źródło: Polaż
The article explores a possible connection between nationalism, capitalism, and nationalist movements’ common hostility towards environmental policies. It draws from materialist assertions about the capitalogenic nature of ecological degradation and modernist theories of nationalism, which explain it as a product or by-product of capitalist modernization. By employing theories of nationalism’s instrumentality in preserving the existing social hierarchies, the article proposes that this approach might be extrapolated onto socioecological hierarchies, which are contested or have their fundamental rules challenged by many environmental policies. Nationalism may then be seen as an instrument of capital – personified by the privileged elites – taking advantage of an ideology that appeals to those ‘left behind’ by modernization and globalization to thwart or delay changes to the socioecological status quo. An identity-based movement is thus utilized to protect the continuing exploitation and appropriation of nature. This proposed connection underscores the need for further empirical research, which is crucial for a comprehensive understanding of the topic and its potential impact on environmental policies.
environmental skepticism environmental politics capitalism nationalism modernity
Purpose: The primary aim of this article is to provide a comprehensive and indepth analysis of the Russian world (russkiy mir) as the main doctrine of neo-imperial expansionism. Russia consistently pursues the strategy of regaining influence in the post- Soviet area and, through the internationalization of the Russian world, seeks to achieve a dominant position on the European continent. The research problem is to analyze the extensive scope of influence of Russian ideology and the profound impact of this ideology on political and social processes taking place in other countries in Europe and the world. The impact through political and economic lobbying, propaganda, and informational operations of influence is extended not only to the area of the former USSR but also aimed at political circles and citizens of other European countries. Methods: The research optics adopted by the Author imply the use of the historical method of comparative and critical analysis of source texts. Result of the study: The analysis carried out leads to the conclusion that the ideology of the Russian world is expanding its sphere of influence mainly through propaganda and disinformation influence aimed at nationalist and Eurosceptic circles, including among representatives of the political elite of European countries identifying with such views.
neo-imperial expansionism political strategy Russian Federation nationalism
This article aims to analyze the phenomenon of populist neo-nationalism in Austria and answer the following research questions: 1. How can populism and its type of populist neo-nationalism be characterized?; 2. What are the determinants of populist neonationalism in Austria? 3. What are the ways populist neo-nationalism has been utilized in Austria? The Chantal Mouffe thesis was verified, according to which the development of populism is a response to the shortcomings of liberal and deliberative democracies. The research process used a methodology typical of the social sciences, especially the political sciences. Since the 1980s, we have addressed the growing importance of radical right-wing populism in European politics. Some researchers refer to this phenomenon as new populism or populist neo-nationalism. The party’s growing importance since 1986 was related, among other things, to the principles of Euroscepticism it proclaimed and its demands to limit or even ban immigration. The FPÖ’s achieved the most tremendous success under the government of Jörg Haider. Its entry into the ruling coalition has confused international relations.
Central Europe is associated with several cultural, economic, and geopolitical processes undergoing considerable intensification in the 21st century. The emergence of nationalist sentiment in this region of the continent coincides with it. This is particularly evident in countries politically dominated by radical right-wing ruling parties (e.g., Poland, Hungary), aiming to reshape the EU, opposing the system of liberal democracy in favor of social solidarity and a Europe of Homelands, rejecting the concepts of a federal Europe, and supporting the idea of national sovereignty. These concepts are taken up by conservative formations of a populist nature, which explain their activities with Eurorealism. The consequence of this policy is the emergence of new visions of Central Europe and the desire to increase the region’s role in international relations. An essential role in these processes is played by the politics of memory preferred by the ruling regimes.
the idea of a sovereign state nationalist tendencies Central Europe foreign policy politics of memory
This paper aims to analyze selected mechanisms accompanying the processes of national revival in the Central Asian republics after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The idea is to investigate the authorities’ actions, which legitimized themselves by appealing to national issues and controlling the processes of building national consciousness. The paper also covers the changes in the nationalist narrative in Kazakhstan in the context of the war in Ukraine, showing the tensions over national identities and loyalties. Some Kazakhs supported Russian aggression against Ukraine, to the great disappointment of national patriots, which has sparked a debate about how the “us” vs. “them” division should be understood in the face of war and a possible threat from Russia. Some participants in the debate question the reliability of equating national identity with loyalty to the state. In doing so, they challenge the government’s primordial narrative, in which nationality legitimizes or naturalizes the current configuration of political power.
authoritarian power national loyalty legitimacy of power Russia-Ukraine war legitimacy Central Asia nationalism Kazakhstan national identity
Tsai Ing-wen, the president of the Republic of China (Taiwan) in 2016–2024, is one of Asia’s most extraordinary female political leaders. A self-made woman who managed to enter politics independently – she was not born into a political family as is usually the case in East Asia, Southeast Asia, and South Asia – and who succeeded in her presidency. Tsai has enhanced the global profile of her country and impressed the world by combating the COVID-19 pandemic in a model way. She has also skillfully handled delicate cross-strait relations despite Beijing’s growing assertiveness. Tsai and her presidency are important for several reasons; the one highlighted here is her role in enhancing and trying to modify Taiwanese nation-building. During her presidency, Tsai Ing-wen advocated a “Third Way,” officially called “21st Century Taiwan’s Overall Cultural Construction”, based on accepting both the Taiwaneseness and the heritage of the Republic of China and merging both of these features. In other words, it emphasizes Taiwaneseness while not rejecting Chineseness. This is an interesting and bold attempt to forge a compromised identity, but one with an uncertain future due to domestic and international variables.
Taiwanese nation-building Tsai Ing-Wen Republic of China Taiwan People’s Republic of China China
Despite the distance, Ukraine and Taiwan share parallels in the domain of geopolitical struggle and identity issues. Both are experiencing an ongoing process of national identity strengthening and redefinition. External factors, such as Russia’s 2014 occupation of Crimea and the subsequent 2022 invasion of Ukraine and China’s increasing pressure on Taiwan, have shaped both Ukrainian and Taiwanese identities and people’s attitudes. On the one hand, this paper explores the transformation of Ukrainian identity in the wake of Russian aggression, focusing on how the invasion has influenced the strengthening of civic attachment among Ukrainians. On the other hand, we explore the development of Taiwanese identity in the context of growing distinctions from mainland China, primarily focusing on Taiwan’s ongoing democratization process and developing a self-confident national identity distinct from the mainland. The rise of Taiwanese identity coincided with growing sympathy for Taiwan’s independence. Additionally, we consider the evolving nature of civic and national identities, emphasizing their fluidity and adaptability in response to political and social complexity.
Russia-Ukraine war Taiwan conflict national identity Russia China Ukraine
The geopolitical location between Russia and Germany has historically determined Poland’s foreign policy, in which Ukraine has been given a privileged place. Polish policy-makers have perceived Ukrainian independence as the main barrier preventing the restoration of Russian imperial ambitions. Consequently, Poland has been unwavering in its commitment to supporting the Ukrainians in their resistance to the Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022. This attitude was visible in Poland’s Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki’s 2023 lecture at the University of Heidelberg. Nevertheless, relations between Ukraine and Poland and the current Russia-Ukraine conflict are far more complex than is mainly acknowledged. Behind Poland’s support, there is an unhealed wound of Ukrainian nationalism, which the current government in Ukraine does not want to unknowledge. The Ukrainian nationalist ideas, based on the slogan “Nation above all,” are very different from those of the Poles. Upon proper recognition of the multifaceted causes of war and the situation’s complexity, a cease-fire and a peaceful settlement of the Russia-Ukraine conflict could be achieved.
Russia-Ukraine conflict political violence Ukrainian Nationalism Euromaidan peace Russia Poland Ukraine
This analytical paper explores the impact of Russia’s full-scale invasion on Ukrainian politics and society since 2022. The war has reshaped the political landscape, solidifying existing power structures while bringing military veterans and social organizations to the forefront. The role of Ukrainian oligarchs has diminished due to financial setbacks and the “anti-oligarch law,” though some are adapting through charitable activities. Additionally, the Ukrainian government is curtailing the influence of the Moscow-affiliated church as part of a broader decolonization effort. The article also examines how the conflict has accelerated Ukraine’s drive for EU and NATO integration, with rising public support fostering domestic reforms and anti-corruption measures.
The article aims to identify some of the misrepresentations of Ukraine that originated in Russia and led to distorted perceptions of Ukraine in the English-speaking academia. Apart from that, the article aims to expose the reasons behind the emergence of such misrepresentations, the way to counter them, and the pitfalls of using them in security analysis. The article hypothesizes that the traditional colonial perception of Ukraine prevents Western scholars and policy-makers, whom these scholars consult, from adequately interpreting and securitizing the acuteness of the contemporary Russian threat. To complete the research, the article draws from decolonial and securitization theories. The article argues that the centuries-long othering and denial of agency of Ukraine, combined with the lack of specific expertise on the country and the colonial tradition of knowledge production, led to a comparatively inconsistent response of Western academia to the post-2014 Russian aggression against a sovereign nation. To address the existing inadequacy, Western scholars should become more open to the opinions of their Ukrainian colleagues, accept the merit of unconventional perspectives, and revise Russo-centrism in research frameworks and teaching curricula.
Russian colonialism Russo-Ukrainian war Ukrainian studies decolonization Russian aggression knowledge production securitization
This study is of paramount importance as it delves into the attitudes of three Polish People’s Parties active in exile between 1945 and 1990 (Stronnictwo Ludowe “Wolność” (SLW), Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (PSL), Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe – Odłam Jedności Narodowej (PSL-OJN)) towards the recognition of the Polish Constitution of April 1935 and the permanence of the Polish authorities in exile – the so-called legalism. The study primarily used content analysis as the primary research method to analyze the content of the provenance materials of the studied parties, such as political programs, minutes of meetings, articles in the party press, and correspondence. Scientific literature was also used. The research concludes that each of the three researched parties presented different views on the issues indicated above, although the opinions of the SLW and PSL-OJN were quite similar. These parties were in favor of recognizing the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of April 1935 as binding and the construction of the authorities of the Republic of Poland in exile on the basis of the provisions of that Constitution. A different position was presented by the PSL, which rejected the Polish Constitution of 1935 in its entirety.
Stronnictwo Ludowe “Wolność” polish political emigration Polish authorities in exile legalism Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe
After the 2015 parliamentary elections in Poland, the parties that moved to the opposition declared themselves the “total opposition” and adopted the “Street and Abroad” strategy, the aim of which was to organize anti-government protests in the country and to use foreign fora, including above all EU mechanisms, to fight the new right-wing government, criticize its actions and eventually remove it from power. The paper aims to assess the effectiveness of the strategy adopted by the Polish opposition after seven years of right-wing rule. The subject of particular interest is, on the one hand, the evaluation of the “Street” strategy on the example of mass protests concerning courts, abortion, and the media. On the other hand, the “Abroad” strategy was analyzed through the impact of the European Parliament’s resolution on social mobilization, electoral preferences, and the level of support for the ruling party. For this purpose, the leading indicators of support for opposition parties published by opinion polling centers were used in the examples analyzed.
strategy “Street and Abroad” social mobilization political opposition Poland Law and Justice
One of the ways workers express their displeasure to their respective employers is through industrial action or strike, as it is commonly called. This study investigated the causes and consequences of the Academic Staff Union of Universities strike among public universities in Nigeria. The study employed the descriptive survey method. The population of the study comprised all the 91 public universities in Nigeria; the sample of the study was 400 stakeholders, comprising of lectures, students, parents, transporters, and marketers across all the public universities in the nation, who were selected using multistage sampling procedure of purposive and simple random sampling at their respective public universities. Four hundred respondents were sampled from twelve (12) universities, where 33 respondents were selected from each university. The data collection instrument for this study was a self-designed questionnaire titled “Stakeholders’ Perception of Prevalence, Causes, and Consequences of ASUU Strike among Public Universities in Nigeria: 1999-2022 (SPCCASPUN)”. The questionnaire was on a 5-point Likert scale containing 24 items, validated via experts/professionals with a reliability of 0.87 obtained using a split-half method. At the same time, the data was analyzed using descriptive and inferential statistics of mean rating, percentage, and t-test. Findings of the study revealed, amongst others, that poor budgetary allocation to the education sector, failure of the federal government to honor their long-term agreement, staff bonuses, the politicization of the ASUU strike, revitalization of universities, etcetera are causes of the ASUU strike. As identified by the stakeholders, the consequences include loss of interest in school due to increased social vices, the rush of academic programs, missing out on NYSC and other job opportunities, and loss of sponsorship, among others. It was concluded that both the government and ASUU should come to terms and resolve the issue once and for all to avoid future reoccurrence.
The NATO process of civil emergency planning (CEP) is a tool that allows the Allied forces to extend their logistic support capabilities in crisis periods and on a war footing. The civil logistic infrastructure is a “backbone” of national logistic systems. The Allies’ strategic concept has increased reliance on general civil resources and transportation assets to meet military requirements for strategic and operational mobility and sustain operational forces. The following study presents a conceptual model for evaluating the logistic capabilities of land intermodal terminals, discussed in the example of Poland, using methods implemented in management and quality sciences. The results can help configure logistic transport chains and evaluate capabilities to provide logistic services to potential recipients during crises and war. Intermodal transport is a typical service implemented by sea-land transport chains, where land facilities serve as essential elements. Therefore, land intermodal terminals play a crucial role in the state’s logistic system and logistic support when a crisis or a conflict is in progress. It is mainly applied to support national and allied forces in the joint operations area.
logistic support container cargo logistic capabilities logistic interoperability intermodal terminal states of emergency security
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