The article emphasizes, in a condensed form, the conditions of functioning of modern organizations that affect management issues. The results of the analyses have been presented through the prism of the challenges faced by managers who, in addition to business problems, must resolve many issues regarding personnel and multicultural management. It has been emphasized that there is a need for qualified managers who have the geopolitical knowledge necessary to function in an international environment. By highlighting the consequences of the COVID-19 pandemic and the war in Ukraine, the difficulties of forecasting, especially in the strategic dimension, have been pointed out. The authors emphasize the need to improve competencies to effectively solve problems posed by the organization’s changing environment. The study presents the results of the strategic diagnosis and forecasts regarding the impact of geopolitical factors in the modern world on management issues. The article aims to show the international implications for management issues without referencing any particular country or region. It was considered reasonable to achieve the assumed goal, not just diagnose the possible consequences.

The WTO dispute settlement system crisis is an important milestone in the history of international law. Since the realist school in the study of international relations is known for its attention to the limits of the functions of international law, it is quite appropriate to review the key concepts of the realist school relevant to the current crisis. The ambitious endeavor to minimize the use of political methods of dispute settlement in international trade disputes within the institutional system of the WTO has not been quite successful. As postulated by realists, the political processes prevailed over the international legal procedures. In this article, based on the realist approach, the causes of the stalemate of the WTO dispute settlement system are analyzed, and recommendations are presented for remedying the current situation. The comparative analysis method is used for this. The article translates the relevant concepts of international relations by key realists, including the classification of international disputes by Hans Morgenthau, into specific recommendations for resolving the ongoing crisis.

February 24, 2022: Russian forces start the full-scale invasion of Ukraine under the orders of Russian President Putin. Since then, our world has been in turmoil; what seemed certain for years is not certain. After the end of the Second World War, the World Powers established international organizations to prevent that amount of suffering from happening again. Are international organizations useful for maintaining peace? This research essay is going to address the question based on available literature and internet news sources to draw some tangible conclusions and perhaps even to suggest some improvements on how international organizations will be able to stay relevant for global peace in the future. The War in Ukraine will serve as a case study in the essay’s second half. The reader will learn that international organizations have performed well in their functions, that Western nations did things wrong in handling the Ukrainian crisis, and that organizations like NATO got a new drive and purpose courtesy of the Russian aggression. Most importantly, the reader will learn that argumentations on the demise of the liberal world order are premature at best.

The article aims to analyze new industrial policy based on the example of actions taken by the Joe Biden administration. Their essence is transforming the economy in line with climate goals while stimulating development. The paper will present the main assumptions of the United States’ green industrial policy, its goals, and international implications, which indicate that it is characterized by economic nationalism. The article attempts to answer three main research questions: What is the essence of the new industrial policy? What are the goals of the new industrial policy initiated by the Joe Biden administration? What are the expected international implications of this policy? Answers to the above questions will enable verification of the hypothesis, which states that the Joe Biden administration has initiated a new industrial policy in the spirit of state interventionism based on new environmental protection assumptions. Its goal is to give the U.S. economy new pro-development impulses and increase its competitiveness. The first part of the paper will present assumptions of the new industrial policy, then the goals and measures of the new United States industrial policy, and the third part will show the international implications of the above policy

This paper looks at how China’s use of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in its policy towards Central Asia (CA) has changed since 2013 and what this change signalizes regarding China’s use of the BRI at international forums. To answer these research questions, the paper focuses on Central Asia – once dubbed “the first strand of the BRI” (R. Pantucci); the region where China has “tested” many institutions of its international engagement; and where the BRI was introduced in 2013. To answer the research questions, this study draws from analyzing literature and sources in Russian, Chinese, English, and Polish. This study is primarily empirically oriented. This study finds that at its 10, the BRI will focus on connectivity, clean energy, and new technologies. It also finds that despite the high profile of the Green BRI and many relevant agreements, only a fraction of projects are branded “Green BRI.” It thus argues that the BRI has served as a legitimizing “umbrella” label for various Chinese policy initiatives, which are realized via other cooperation formats.

Since the 1950s, when the deliberate settlement of the Amazon began, with a rapid influx of people, the Brazilian Amazon has faced various threats because of the demands associated with unsustainable economic development. During the presidency of Jair Bolsonaro, environmental policies were marginalized, including through the legislative and regulatory dismantling of forest protection and the financial sapping of environmental institutions, which favored uncontrolled logging of equatorial forests. Therefore, deforestation increased yearly during the Bolsonaro administration, accompanied by increased greenhouse gas emissions. That is why the article aims to answer the question of what role the international community can play in protecting the Amazon rainforest, given its essential role in regulating the climate regionally and globally. The research methods include formal institutional analysis of relevant legal documents and decision analysis. The research and analysis of states’ individual and collective actions lead to the conclusion that economic pressure has been applied to influence the Bolsonaro administration.

The right to life, without a doubt, is the most essential right of every human being. Protection and respect for this right is a prerequisite for enjoying and realizing other rights guaranteed to the individual. However, it is not an absolute right, but one that, under various circumstances, can be restricted. One such restriction is the death penalty. Many countries have decided to abolish it; however, only three countries in Southeast Asia, namely Cambodia, the Philippines, and East Timor, have decided. While Indonesia guarantees the right to life, it does allow the death penalty. Although the death penalty has not been carried out for several years, the death penalty has been retained in the criminal code, and courts continue to award it. The public (especially the young) is increasingly advocating its complete abolition, but those in power do not seem interested. The death penalty is also left in the new criminal code. This article is about the death penalty in Indonesia. The author also decided to survey Indonesian students to find out their attitudes toward the death penalty.

The centuries-long coexistence of the Polish and Jewish nations gives Polish-Israeli relations specificity and unique character. One can state that there is an emotional bond between these nations, which shaped interstate relations in the post-Cold War period, simultaneously facilitating and hindering their progress. The article reviews the most critical challenges and controversies surrounding building state relations between Poland and Israel after the Cold War. It also analyzed how selected historical events related to the coexistence of the Polish and Jewish nations influenced later Polish-Israeli relations. The work summary included recommendations for further actions to develop interstate relations further. The present research uses investigative methods and techniques in the field of social sciences, such as documentary analysis and review of official statements from politicians, analysis of primary literary sources, the decisional method, secondary analysis of quantitative research, and deduction. Due to the formal constraints of this article, the author has selected the issues that have emerged in Polish-Israeli dialogue within a state context, emphasizing political relations.

The author, as a long-term researcher and active participant in the rescue and humanitarian international aid coordination action, undertakes the analysis of changes that have occurred since the inception of the legal basis and international crisis coordination structures, focusing on the increasing role of the European Union Civil Protection Mechanism. The material contains not only the analysis of normative documents and a comprehensive description of the pillars of European civil protection but also practical examples of the European mechanism’s increasing involvement in actions outside the Union over two decades, as well as during the Covid-19 period. The article contains examples of material and hardware-based humanitarian aid implemented for Ukraine and a comprehensive systemic approach to Polish civil protection, as represented by the State Fire Service, to prepare Ukrainian representatives to be familiar with the European Civil Protection mechanism. Numerous examples of activating the mechanism from the Polish perspective are shown both from the perspective of the aid recipient (fire in Biebrza National Park in 2020) and the donor (Lebanon blast in 2020, Earthquake in Nepal 2015, forest fires in France 2022 or support to Ukraine).

The article aims to show the actions the Russian nonsystemic opposition took after the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. We prove that the Russian opposition has been deeply divided since that time. It includes various leaders and factions who want to play an essential role in post-Putin Russia. It also presents multiple opinions on Russia’s internal and external policies. On the other hand, since the outbreak of war in Ukraine, the Russian opposition has been more visible both in Eastern and Western Europe. The article is divided into two parts. In the first part, we establish the genesis of the current nonsystemic opposition in Russia and its exile. We also present the most well-known oppositionists in the Russian political scene. In the second part, we analyze the meetings and conferences of the Russian opposition in exile from March 2022 to February 2024. It enables us to find the plans of the Russian opposition for rebuilding a political system in post-Putin Russia. The article is based on desk research, historical methods, and thematic analysis.

Private armies and the mercenary profession associated with them are nothing new in the history of wars. The mercenary troops of Italian conditioners and German Landsknecht operating at the turn of the Middle Ages and the Renaissance even contributed to creating a romantic myth of mercenary soldiers. Even the French Revolution did not end private armies and mercenaries, which resulted in the creation of large, conscripted national armies. In the 21st century, we observe a renaissance of private armies. Military strategists are already talking about the privatization of war. This can be confirmed by the growing participation of private military corporations in armed conflicts in the 21st century. An example is the Russian Wagner Group at the forefront. The Wagner Group, as a tool in the hands of Russian authorities, participates not only in the war in Ukraine. The multifaceted activities and certain peculiarities in the functioning of the Wagner Group

This article introduces a pioneering perspective on the geopolitics of hydrogen within the Three Seas Initiative countries, aiming to highlight the awareness and significance of hydrogen technology in the broader context of the 3SI countries’ approach to the European hydrogen economy. The analysis delves into individual strategies and policies concerning the development of hydrogen technologies among Central and Eastern European (CEE) nations. Despite the growing geopolitical importance of hydrogen, the 3SI countries fall short in recognizing its innovation potential. This oversight hampers their competitiveness in the evolving energy landscape, particularly in fostering collaboration between science and business. The 3SI countries assume a crucial role in the hydrogen economy by serving as producers and distributors for the European market. However, this role introduces a geopolitical threat, as external influences may impact major projects, potentially compromising sovereignty. Addressing divergent goals and implementing coordinated actions is crucial to maintaining the 3SI countries’ significant and strategic role in global hydrogen geopolitics. This research contributes to understanding the transformative effects of hydrogen on the energy sector, emphasizing the need for innovative approaches and coordinated international efforts.

The paper’s main objective is to analyze what a smart city is according to The United Nations Public Administration Network and to describe the potential relation between the smart city status of “following cities” of UNPAN’s 2022 Global Smart Cities Ranking and their branding and image. New technologies are a significant part of the development of modern cities, and they should not be overlooked, even in a matter of the image of cities. Researched cities are Mumbai, Rio de Janeiro, Buenos Aires, and Cairo, which are among the top 20 smart cities according to UNPAN. Still, they are not considered cities that enjoy the repute of advanced, thus called “following cites”. The paper also analyzes the cities’ current branding policies and politics concerning modern technologies and advancement. Even if impressive, the digitization of life in “following cities” is not well-developed compared to other smart cities due to a lack of resources and the will of cities to change their branding and digitization strategies.