No. 5

Contents

  • Author: The Editors
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 3-4
  • DOI Address: -
  • PDF: rop/2014/rop2014toc.pdf

TABLE OF CONTENTS

table of contents

INTRODUCTION

  • Author: The Editors
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 5-7
  • DOI Address: -
  • PDF: rop/2014/rop201400.pdf

INTRODUCTION

introduction

The Background of the Disputes over the South China Sea Islands

  • Author: Karol Kościelniak
  • Institution: University in Poznań
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 11-19
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201401
  • PDF: rop/2014/rop201401.pdf

In the light of the official statements made by the capitals of its coastal states, there is probably not a single centimetre of free space left in this sea, to which a claim has not been issued. In some parts of the sea, the claims of three, four of even five states overlap, creating a truly Gordian knot. The significance of the South China Sea causes that if the dispute over the archipelagos is not settled by implementing peaceful methods and means, at the negotiation table, East Asia region is likely to become a potential source of destabilisation and conflict whose size, in respect to the location and the number of parties directly or indirectly engaged in the dispute might turn out to be extremely hazardous.

conflict South China Sea Southeast Asia security

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Polish and German Visions on the Future of the North Atlantic Alliance

  • Author: Krzysztof Malinowski
  • Institution: Szczecin University
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 20-34
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201402
  • PDF: rop/2014/rop201402.pdf

The transformations of the North Atlantic Alliance in the wake of the 9/11 attacks and its mission in Afghanistan have proceeded hand in hand with the redefining of security interests in individual member states. Poland and Germany have also been affected by a polarization of views, particularly on the nature, place and role of NATO in today’s world. The countries’ geopolitics and their varying visions of European security have significantly affected their positions.

geopolitics NATO international relations

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The European Union Role in Resolving the Armed Conflict in the Western Sudanese Province of Darfur

  • Author: Nagmeldin Karamalla-Gaiballa
  • Institution: Wrocław University of Economics
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 35-45
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201403
  • PDF: rop/2014/rop201403.pdf

The article outlines the role of the EU in resolving the armed conflict in the western Sudanese province of Darfur, and explains the important role played by the EU in its engaged in peacekeeping and that guided his condition, as well as how it actions and decisions were received by the Darfurians and the government in Khartoum. Unfortunately, the nature and progress of the conflict, and above all, the great ignorance of the region and the population, makes all attempts to resolve the conflict are ineffective. Through these years, the EU has introduced a number of resolutions, declarations and sanctions. All this was not only to save the life of hundreds of thousands of civilians, but also opposition to the regime and impact on its interests. Unfortunately, there was no general coordination of EU the actions, not only in Darfur, but also in the whole of Sudan. That resulting chaos in actions related to the quality of cooperation between the EU bodies. There was no close co-operation aimed at planning of aid from the United Nations, also because it was a kind of rivalry between EU and UN organizations who want to be seen as a major mediator in peacekeeping.

International Criminal Court AMIS peacekeeping UNAMID Hakura Zaghawa Masalit Sudan Liberation Movement Justice and Equality Movement Darfur Sudan European Parliament European Union

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The Dilemma of Present Day: Guerrilla, Terrorist and Asymmetric Warfare

  • Author: Jarosław J. Piątek
  • Institution: University of Szczecin
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 46-62
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201404
  • PDF: rop/2014/rop201404.pdf

In order to describe the environment surrounding us, so complex in terms of relations resulting from using violence, we easily employ terms such as ‘partisan’ or ‘militant’, just in order to define the very same ones as terrorists a while later. Probably the benchmark of contemporary description, especially of political action is the lack of clear-cut attitudes. Terrorism is nothing new, and this statement in itself is not very revealing. However, for many contemporary researchers of this issue, there is never too much information. Terrorism has always accompanied the history of oppressive regimes as well as resistance movements and uprisings. All the same, within the anti- colonial insurrectionary movements of the mid-20th century which led to the fall of European colonial empires over a short period of time, terrorism achieved new quality. It should also be emphasized that it achieved considerable political successes compared to the social-revolutionary terrorism of the late 19th century. The attribute ‘terrorist’ serves as an excluding one in different relations. By employing such term, one that their cause is an unconventional one – leastways as long as specific ways of using violence are applied. On the other hand, groups classified as terrorist ones often describe themselves as partisans who are fighting for the liberation of certain social or ethnic groups and who have to employ “unconventional” methods of using force because of the military superiority of the oppressive regime. By describing certain actions as ‘terrorist’ one usually intends on bereaving it of every sort of political legitimation. Is there any aspect that terrorism and guerrilla actions have in common? In certain socio-revolutionary or ethno-separatist strategies of violence, the concept of terrorism consists in the idea of a ‘starter’ which is to create the conditions to commence the guerrilla war. There could also be groups acting as partisans on one front line, and as terrorists on the other. The example is Al-Qaeda: in Central Asia its network operated only temporarily, as a kind of guerrilla, while in the global scale it employed terrorist strategy.

asymmetric warfare international security terrorism

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Polish Involvement in Peacekeeping Operations and Stabilisation Missions from the Perspective of The Foreign Policy

  • Author: Renata Podgórzańska
  • Institution: University of Szczecin
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 63-80
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201405
  • PDF: rop/2014/rop201405.pdf

The involvement of Poland in the activities of the international community for strengthening peace, security and stability in conflict-prone states and regions was one of significant elements of the foreign policy pursued afier 1989. It assumed various forms, from diplomatic initiatives and activities, to the direct participation in international peacekeeping operations and stabilisation missions. The involvement of Poland in the activities of the international community for strengthening peace, security and stability in conflict-prone states and regions was one of significant elements of the foreign policy pursued afier 1989. It assumed various forms, from diplomatic initiatives and activities, to the direct participation in international peacekeeping operations and stabilisation missions.

stabilisation missions Peacekeeping operations foreign policy

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Dispute over European Union and Eurozone Crisis in the Light of Selected Theories of European Integration

  • Author: Artur Staszczyk
  • Institution: Szczecin University
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 81-94
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201406
  • PDF: rop/2014/rop201406.pdf

The study tackles the issue of applying respective theories of European integration to explain the processes occurring in the EU, and in particular, in the debt-wrecked eurozone. In the author’s view, the eurozone crisis revived the dispute over the shape of EU. On one hand, it is the supranational neofunctionalism and on the other, state-centric intergovernmentalism views clashing with one another. The author believes that the key theory that successfully explains the member states’ behavior in face of eurozone crisis is the intergovernmentalism theory. It assumes the primacy of nation-state and its interests in the process of European integration. This is particularly apparent in the time of crisis when supranational mechanisms typical of neofunctionalist theory serve solely the purpose of legitimizing national interests of the economically strongest EU members.

debt crisis theories of European integration European Union Eurozone

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Poland in NATO – Some Geopolitical and Praxiological Remarks

  • Author: Benon Zbigniew Szałek
  • Institution: University of Szczecin
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 95-121
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201407
  • PDF: rop/2014/rop201407.pdf

This paper presents some remarks on the situation of Poland in NATO. The problem of ‘predictability’ is analysed on the basis of a simple scheme (system, its environment, their interactions). The geopolitical analysis of this dynamic model leads to the conclusion that the future cannot be described as highly predictable, although some long-term scenarios seem to be relatively plausible and may be used in the construction of more realistic global and national/ regional strategies. The results of this analysis suggest global cooperation and regional integration.

political and military forecasting military alliances praxiology geopolitics NATO

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David Cameron’s ‘Huge Mistake’. Closing of the United Kingdom Labour Market for Eastern European Immigrants from Polish and British Perspective

  • Author: Bartłomiej H. Toszek
  • Institution: University of Szczecin
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 122-138
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201408
  • PDF: rop/2014/rop201408.pdf

Eastern European immigrants coming to the UK since 2004 (in 2/3 from Poland) by their amount of work have concurred to serious growth of the GDP. But simultaneously they have been burden for British welfare system (among others by taking benefits for family members living outside the UK) and taking job even for minimum salary what have caused growth of native British unemployment. In this situation Conservative-Liberal Government leading by David Cameron have decided to limit an access to the UK labour market by language knowledge tests and tightening social benefits policy to job seekers. With informal support of main opposition parties (i.e. the Labour Party and the UKIP) D. Cameron have taken risky game showing he has been able to fight for his nation’s interests even in spite of huge protests of Polish and other Eastern European countries politicians and against the European Parliament resolution of 16 January 2014. But when turning out into a defender of Britons’ rights he also has showed that there have been deep divisions between “old” and “new” Europe still after 10 years of the EU’s biggest enlargement in 2004.

labour market immigration European Union United Kingdom Poland

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Turkish-Uzbekistani Relations: How Do Islam Karimov’s Regime and His Opponents Affect the Bilateral Ties Between Ankara and Tashkent?

  • Author: Fahri Türk
  • Institution: Free University of Berlin
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 139-169
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201409
  • PDF: rop/2014/rop201409.pdf

This article examines the role of Karimov regime and his opponents in influencing Turkish-Uzbekistani relations in the 1990s and its consequences for later developments. Following the description of the characteristics of Turkish-Uzbekistani relations, it will be discussed how far had the opposition leaders such as Abdürrahim Polat and Muhammad Salih an impact on the worsening of the bilateral ties between Turkey and Uzbekistan. This article then stresses Turkey’s attitude towards Uzbek opposition leaders which finally addresses the reasons for worsening of Turkish-Uzbekistani relations such as the bombings of Tashkent, Uzbek students in Turkey, Gülen Movement as well as the ideology of Pan-Turkism.

Uzbekistan Islam Karimow Turkey international relations

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Involvement of the Common Security and Defence Policy on the Asian Continent on the Examples of Missions in Afghanistan and Indonesia

  • Author: Luiza Wojnicz
  • Institution: University of Szczecin
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 166-182
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201410
  • PDF: rop/2014/rop201410.pdf

European Union’s Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) is a fundamental example of comprehensive approach used by the EU to achieve its goals. Though CSDP the EU is able to carry out civil missions and military operations not only in Europe, but also away from it, in the farthest regions. Since 2003 CSDP’s missions and operations have been taking place on three continents: Africa, Asia and Europe. EU’s presence on continents other than Europe allows it to be perceived as a global player responsible for security on the international arena. Each of the continents is important for EU’s policies. It contributes to each of them as well as has benefits from each of them. The Union plays a certain role on each of the continents, which contributes to its position on the international arena. Focusing the actions of European Security and Defence Policy’s (ESDP) (at that time) on Asia was a crucial step towards the status of a global player and also meant a beginning of a new dimension for the relations between the EU and Asia in the area of security. Missions in Indonesia and Afghanistan proves too, that the Asian continent is particularly important for the EU when it comes to security.

military missions civilian missions defence secuity

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A Historiographical Review of Studies on Sino-Indonesian Relations during the Early Stages of the Cold War, 1949–1967

  • Author: Richard Mason
  • Institution: Universiti Kebangsaan Malaysia
  • Author: Gao Yanjie
  • Institution: Xiamen University
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 183-209
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201411
  • PDF: rop/2014/rop201411.pdf

The Sino-Indonesian relationship is an important research topic in Cold War studies. Since the 1960s, a number of scholarly works have been published on the subject. The declassification of diplomatic documents in various countries, and particularly the opening of the Chinese Foreign Ministry Archives following the end of the Cold War, has led to new developments in the studies on Sino-Indonesian relations. Much of this research, however, has been focused on the period from 1949 to 1965, because soon after the Indonesian military coup of September 1965, Sino-Indonesian diplomatic relations was suspended and was not restored until 1990. This article is a historiographical overview of the more controversial topics in Sino-Indonesian relations between 1949 through 1965 in scholarly publications that have came out over the past half decade. These topics include, among others, the establishment and evolution of Sino-Indonesian diplomatic relations; the standpoint of the Indonesian Communist Party (Partai Komunis Indonesia –PKI) toward the Sino-Soviet split; China’s reactions to the anti-Chinese movements that occurred in Indonesia between 1959 through 1961; and the cultural relations between Indonesia and China. The discussion here is limited to publications in the English and Chinese languages; this paper does not make any attempt to include relevant scholarly works that may have been published in Bahasa Indonesia or other languages.

Sino-Indonesian Relations Cold War international relations

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AUTHORS

  • Author: The Editors
  • Year of publication: 2014
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 249-251
  • DOI Address: -
  • PDF: rop/2014/rop2014con.pdf

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