Contents
- Year of publication: 2017
- Source: Show
- Pages: 3-4
- DOI Address: -
- PDF: rop/2017/rop2017toc.pdf
The Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) enables European Union to take a leading role in peace – keeping operations, conflict prevention and the strengthening of the international security. It is an integral part of EU’s comprehensive approach towards crisis management, drawing on civilian and military assets. EU Battle Groups remain important for CSDP as the only military capabilities on standby for possible EU operations and as they are helping to reinforce the effectiveness Member States’ of military forces. EU Battle Groups are multinational, military units and form an integral part of the EU’s military rapid reaction capacity to respond to emerging crises and conflicts around the world. Therefore, Polish diplomacy actively acts in various forums (the Visegrad Group, the Weimar Triangle) to bolster the CSDP. Poland actively involved in the implementation of the CSDP through participation in EU Battle Groups.
multinational military units battle groups Common security and defense policy Visegrád Group Weimar Triangle European Union
This article focuses on the Central and Eastern European in the process of shaping their security relations. The aim of the paper is to present and analyze the evolution of security relations in the region under the aegis of the EU, NATO and the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe (OSCE). The interplay of the institutions shows that the EU is not a single power in the European security system thus the maintenance of stable and peaceful relations depend mostly on cooperation between a number of institutions and groupings. The EU and NATO’ s role was central due to their policies of enlargement and the stabilization effects on third partner countries. The OSCE with its well promising position in Europe has been weaken due to decline of interests of major power states and its functions performed simultaneously by the EU and NATO. Both organizations have taken to a large extent the place of the OSCE.
OSCE security and defense policy Central and Eastern European Countries European Union NATO
The objective of this article is to analyse the impact of the Spanish democratic transformation on its multilateral relations. It analyses the strategies of Spanish governments in the transformation era and the process of accession to NATO, the Council of Europe and the European Communities. Source analysis and criticism methods (applied mostly to Spanish- -language texts), as well as comparative analysis were employed for the needs of this article.
Based on her research, the author concludes that changes to Spanish foreign policy were evolutionary in nature. Therefore, it took Spain several years to regain the full confidence of its partners. Before any breakthrough changes could occur in the multilateral dimension, Spain needed to normalise its bilateral relations.
The democratic elections conducted on the 15th of June 1977 in Spain was the breakthrough without which no accession to any important international organisation could ever happen. As the event clinched the state’s democratisation, it paved the way for Spain to join soon the Council of Europe. The accession process for the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation was more complex. The Spanish political scene was divided in that matter. Spain’s accession to the European Communities was the longest process. It was subject not only to the state’s democratisation progress but also to economic issues.
Council of Europe multilateral relations Spain European Union democratisation foreign policy NATO transformation
The European Neighbourhood Policy as a constituent part of the European Common Foreign and Security Policy is the arena of continuous, inherent as it were, tensions among the ambitions of Member States wanting to play the largest role in the shaping of the European Union’s relationships with the surrounding world. A characteristic and obvious quality of this phenomenon is the fact that particular Member States’ interests in a given region in the neighbourhood of the European Union increases in proportion to its geographical proximity. This creates naturally the phenomenon of a group of Member States interested or specialized in the region of the Mediterranean Sea, the Black Sea or the Eastern policy. Simultaneously there exists a considerable group of Member States which, because of a considerable distance from a particular region, shows little interest and consequently a frequent lack of understanding of issues related to it. The objective of this article is to capture this phenomenon and to try to systemize it through the notion and methodology of the National Specialization Index.
National Specialization Index ropean Neighbourhood Policy Common Foreign and Security Policy European Union
The multitude of defining the concept of security is related to the fact that representatives of various fields of science describe and perceive this phenomenon from the point of view of terminology, own knowledge, as well as from the scope of their discipline. For many security is a belief that you are out of the reach of any threat. Based on the Copenhagen school theory, the essence of the objective and subjective understanding of security was emphasized. Against this background, the movement of people was analyzed as a security issue. Poles living in Great Britain are more often in contact with this issue than in their country of origin. The scale of threats is extremely different. For Poles migrating to the UK, the most dangerous threats appear to be in the social sphere. The aim of the article is to analyze the phenomenon of Polish migration to Great Britain after 2004. Additionally, the process of describing security and its transition from the sphere of theory to practice was attempted. Although in the open public space, on city streets, parks and squares, there are personal threats related to crimes, as well as to social threats – attacks and assaults caused by frustrated and aggressive groups or individuals, Poles feel safe. Despite knowing about terrorism or manifestations of social or cultural phobias, Poles migrate to Great Britain. In addition, the article attempts to prove that the technological extension of public space leads to a sense of greater security.
monitoring public space public security Great Britain security migration
The political transformation in Poland resulted in the reorientation of Polish policy in the field of understanding security. It found its reflection in newly defined policy directions, which were manifested in the search for new guarantees of security, development opportunities and giving a new character to Polish politics. The problem of ensuring state security in new geopolitical conditions is expressed in the adopted hierarchy of priorities for the implementation of the Polish raison d’etat. The implementation of the policy priorities means that Poland has a solid foundation for security. The Polish Army carries out many key tasks in it. The armed forces of the Republic of Poland became an element of the broad NATO security system. Building faith in defensive self-sufficiency, Poland distances itself more and more from Europe. Both threats and challenges require decision-making in matters of security and go beyond the traditionally understood security. As a consequence, Poland responds to both threats and challenges in the security policy of the Republic of Poland to a small extent.
challeges threats Polish Army security policy NATO armed forces
Nowadays, migration of people on the territory of the European Union has become one of the factors determining Poland’s foreign policy and determining its bilateral relations due to the scale and dynamics of this phenomenon. Notwithstanding the fact that Poland, unlike other EU Member States directly bearing the costs of mass influx of migrants, is not a target country for migrants, the migration crisis associated with mass influx of people also indirectly affects the Polish reality. Emphasizing the implications of the migration crisis from the point of view of state security consistently strengthens critical opinions in Poland and at the same time determines the reluctance of the Polish society to accept immigrants (mainly from the Middle East and North Africa). The article focuses on the repercussions of the migration crisis from the perspective of Polish-German relations. The basis for this research area is, on the one hand, the role of Germany in the context of the migration crisis and, on the other, the presentation of different positions by Poland and Germany regarding the methods of stopping the inflow of migrants into the EU.
The aim of this paper is to present some praxiological remarks on the so-called Common Security and Defence Policy (earlier: The European Security and Defence Policy) of the European Union in the light of such terms as ‘hybrid warfare’, ‘networks’, ‘swarming’. The paper emphasizes the problem of consolidated hybrid security and defense.
consolidated hybrid defence consolidated hybrid security swarming netwarfare networks common security and defence policy European Union hybrid warfare
The article analyses the legitimacy of citizens telecommunications data retention usage in the fight against terrorism. Data retention, that is the preventive storage of information on the source, data, hour and duration of a connection, type of the connection, communication tool and location of a recipient, is a powerful source of knowledge about citizens and their use should be soundly justified. However, both the European Union and Polish practices show that behind this interference in privacy there is neither a guarantee that the data stored would be used exclusively to fight terrorism and severe crimes, nor a sufficient access control mechanism. The efficiency of data use in the fight against organized crimes, including terrorism, is also dubious.
In her work the author analyses Polish studies concerning information disclosure issues, Internet publications of the European Union and American reports on retention programmes, as well as Polish and foreign positions of non-governmental organizations engaged in the civil rights protection in this respect.
privacy civil rights telecommunications data retention terrorism
The objective of this article is to present a critical analysis of selected elements of Nazi legacy in the Federal Republic of Germany (Deutsche Bundesrepublik, BRD). The remnants of the Nazi system have been tolerated, and even sheltered by the authorities of West Germany in almost all aspects of life. A question arises, then, about the effectiveness of the denazification after the Second World War and about a change in mentality in German society, as it should be noted that some elements of Nazi legacy were abandoned only in the 21st century, and therefore the Federal Republic of Germany has not managed to fully make reparations to the victims of Nazism. This article also discusses the fact that in a post-totalitarian state it is extremely difficult to find ‘pristine’ biographies, considering the number of former members of NSDAP who filled important offices in the BRD.
social engineering criticism Nazism Federal Republic of Germany
In the article below the authors analyse the political, social and legal revaluations of human rights relating to non-heteronormative men in Germany, from the rise of the German Empire (Zweites Reich) till contemporary times. What is important is not only a change in the mentality of the German society throughout the last hundred years, but also the fact that the legal system of the Federal Republic of Germany (Deutsche Bundesrepublik, BRD) was using a provision that had been created during the Nazi dictatorship and applied it to its own citizens. The authors of this article demonstrate that the social changes in the BRD in the second half of the 20th century were much faster than the amendment of the legal system; what is more, the BRD has not faced its Nazi past, failing to atone to homosexual men who had been persecuted on the basis of a Nazi legal provision, inherited and applied by a democratic state.
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