Spis treści
- Year of publication: 2012
- Source: Show
- Pages: 3-11
- DOI Address: -
- PDF: so/1/so1toc.pdf
The Eastern Partnership as the crowning achievement of Polish efforts to establish the Eastern Dimension of the EU policy
The aim of the article is to analyse Polish aspirations to create Eastern Dimension of the EU, which has finally succeed in May 2009, when the Eastern Partnership was inaugurated. The author presents Polish proposals addressed to Brussels between 1998 and 2008 (The Eastern policy of the European Union in the enlargement perspective – Polish side of view 2001; non-paper Wider Europe 2003; The New Neighbours – a framework for relations. Proposals from Poland 2003; The Neighbourhood Instrument – the Polish standpoint 2003; the European Neighbourhood Policy – Eastern Dimension 2006; Polish-Swedish Proposal. Eastern Partnership 2008). Then, compares its content with actual solutions adopted by the European Union in a form of the European Commission Communications (Wider Europe III 2003; European Neighbourhood Policy V 2004; Commission proposal for a Regulation establishing a European Neighbourhood and Partnership Instrument X 2004; On strengthening the European Neighbourhood Policy XII 2006; A Strong European Neighbourhood Policy XII 2007; Eastern Partnership XII 2008).
Ukraine in the European Union’s Neighbourhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership initiative
The aim of this paper is an attempt to show the place of Ukraine in the European Union’s foreign policy, with particular emphasis on its position in the European Neighbourhood Policy and Eastern Partnership. The paper focuses on the general approach of these two initiatives, presents the responses of Ukraine to their announcement by the European Union and shows Ukraine’s place in both initiatives. moreover, has been described Ukrainian-EU dialogue on the establishment of Free Trade Zone, a dialogue on visa facilitation and cooperation of the European Union and Ukraine in the field of foreign policy, security and defense.
Ministerial Sessions of the Council of the Baltic Sea States. Part I: 1992–1998
The cooperation of the Council of the Baltic Sea States, which was established on 5–6 March 1992, to a large extent is based on the activity of various international, local, governmental and non-governmental organisations that function in the Member States to the CBSS. Annual Ministerial Sessions and Summits serve the purpose of maintaining relations of the states in the region and help to create a foundation for cooperation. As it was proved in practice, the sessions are also a forum for discussion for the EU Member States and a place where common goals and approaches to economic and political challenges are identified. The course of the sessions proves that the implementation of the Copenhagen Declaration of 1992, which was at the foundation of CBSS, has furthered understanding and trust between the states in the region. The documents passed at the end of each Ministerial Session provide political guidance for broadening cooperation between the Member States of the Council.
What about Minsk? Belarus in the policy of the Russian Federation after the year 2000
Belarus plays a crucial role in Russian Federation’s foreign policy. It results from Belarus’ geopolitical, militant and transit significance for Russia. Forming the commonwealth between these two countries was the most advanced unification process in the last decade of the 20th century among the post-soviet states. However the change in Russia’s attitude towards the bilateral relations could be noticed when Vladimir Putin was elected to the fist presidency in 2000. In reaction to the numerous strict disagreements regarding the integration plan proposed by Russia, authorities in Moscow decided to put a pressure on the most vulnerable to attack part of backward Belarusian economy – low oil and gas prices – which allowed it to develop despite the internal difficulties. The rise in oil and gas prices at the turn of 2006–2007 led to a serious recession in bilateral relations between Russia and Belarus. Moscow’s decision to increase the prices had a huge negative impact on Belarusian economy. Further exacerbation of Russian tight pricing policy towards Belarus was established in 2010. What are the prospects for the future? Russia is definitely not going to abandon the plans for Belarus. Therefore Alexander Lukashenko is going to face a choice between Russian support (leading to greater dependence on Moscow) and resumption of the difficult dialogue with the West (resulting in changing the attitude towards the opposition).
The Origins and Development of the Anthropology of Religion in Kyrgyzstan
The article describes in a concise manner the origin and development of anthropology of religion in the global scale and its beginnings in Kyrgyzstan. Three periods of Kyrgyzstan’s history are represented in the research: the pre-revolution era, the Soviet and the contemporary times. An emphasis was put on the unique challenges that each of these periods poses to religious studies. The article analyses one of the major aspects of anthropology of religion – searching for cultural relics of the ancient cults in the contemporary religious trends. The author presents the research methodology that was used while studying religious cults in Kyrgyzstan in the framework of anthropology of religion. The relevance of this paper lies in the fact that interdisciplinary anthropological research on the variety of religious life in different historical periods helps to better understand the history of the peoples of the Kyrgyzstan and their cooperation, as well as to identify the moral values and ideological framework for the contemporary society of Kyrgyzstan.
Polish minority and their position in the ethnic structure of Ukraine
The subject of the paper titled: “Polish minority and its position in the Ukrainian national structure” is aimed at showing – mainly the quantity- the position of Polish minority in Ukraine against other nationalities constituting the contemporary Ukrainian nation. A particular attention has been paid to the diminishing tendency among people, who declare Polish identity – out of 363 000 in 1959, up to 220 000 in 1989. This phenomenon deserves to be particularly emphasized, because other nationalities – apart from the Jews, whose number decreased even more than the Poles – increased their population or it remained on the same level. The Polish political transformation in 1989 influenced the level of its citizens’ national identity, who were in “Identical trance. The situation is completely different in Ukraine. In 1989 about 220 000 of Ukrainian citizens declared Polish nationality and the number decreased during the next two years. This alarming situation signalizes the irreversible process happening in Ukraine, lower and lower number of nationals believes that there is no use in maintaining Polish nationality.
Estonian press market
The political and economic transformation in Estonia after 1991 have contributed to a development of the press market. Unfortunately, in the mid 1990s this market slumped as a result of various barriers: capital, infrastructural, staffing-related, and resulting from poor adaptation to the newly introduced market economy. Another major factor was a lack of adequately educated journalists and financial problems. However, despite a decrease in newspaper readership, the transformation did not result in mass bankruptcies of publishing houses and closing down titles. Since the mid 1990s, newspapers have to contend with the electronic media. The rapid development of the Internet, the newly established radio and TV channels and a growing number of satellite receivers are all strong adversaries of the traditional press. German and Scandinavian capital was introduced to the Estonian press market. Moreover, there was a shift of perspective regarding the role of the journalists in the society
The sources of Polish-Lithuanian conflict
Since 1918, when both Poland and Lithania regained their independence, the relations between the two countries have been difficult. This article is devoted to an analysis of the sources of the problem. Firstly, the article describes the influence of geopolitical and cultural factors on the relations between the two states, focusing especially on their dissimilarities. To simplify the problem, whereas the roots of Polish culture are grounded in the values, which were brought to the Polish soil by the Catholic Church and West European societies, the Lithuanian culture derives from elements of Byzathine culture, the heritage of Ruthenian and Asian tribes and the remains of the Baltic culture. An important, or perhaps even the most significant, contribution to Lithuanian culture was made by Poland. Secondly, the article analyses the causes for bad relations between the countries during the interwar period. The main source and the symbol of the conflict was Vilnius. Before and in the beginning of the war between Germany and Poland, Lithuania remained neutral, according to the declarations made beforehand. However, when the Soviet Russia invaded Poland, the Lithuanian government took actions that de iure caused Lithuania to lose its neutral stance. During the World War II, the bone of contention – Vilnius – was under occupation for five times subsequently, and, as a result, the relations between the Polish and the Lithuanian became extremely bad. Moreover, after the war the Soviet government used those differences as a tool for realising political goals in dealings with both the Polish nationals living in Lithuania and the Lithuanian. After Lithuania regained independence, the status of the Polish minority in Lithuania was at the core of the conflict. The Lithuanian continue to highlight conflict situations, which rarely ore based on true problems, while at the same time blaming Poland for all of the disputable matters, and imparting historical context on every controversy.
System of common courts in Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic in 1917–1922
Article is focused on first years of functioning common courts of law in RSFSR. Is said also about evolution first courts. Article describes the law acts which are fundamental for evolution administration of justice to take into account of decrets of justice no1, 2 and 3. Beside this, in text we can find the charateristic of the political situation in Russia which accompanying start the bolshevick law. Article treat about views Lenin and Stuczka. The most impotrant is the structure of common courts of law, bench in a given case and his reform.
Soviet State’s Oppressive Politics in Kazakhstan in years 1920–1930
The punitive measures employed by the Soviet authorities were primarily used to create a system of society management based on fear. Furthermore, repressions in the USSR were one of the main methods employed in the power struggle and they allowed to resettle thousands of people to scarcely populated regions of Russia without additional cost, expanding the system of corrective labour camps, which in turn provided non-paid workers for the realisation of massive social and economic endavours. Repressions in Kazakhstan were introduced in stages, following the main directions of the social, economic and national policy of the communist party and the state. An analysis of the repressive policy under the Soviet regime reveals 9 stages of wide-scale repressions in Kazakhstan. As a result of the “Bolshevik genocide”, Kazakhstan was deprived of its national political, cultural, scientific, technical and engineering elites as well as of the affluent peasantry – the most creative and independently thinking part of the society. Between the late 1930s and the mid 1940s deported to Kazakhstan were members of various nations: the Koreans, the Polish, the Germans, the Chechens, the Ingush, the Crimean Tatars, the Meskhet Turks, etc. The scale of resettlement was unprecedented even in the USSR. In one day hundreds of people were displaced from their settlements on a basis of vague charges; tens of thousands of them died during the resettlement. Common for all the stages of repressions are several key moments. Most often subject to repression were the most outstanding people, ones endowed with initiative, having their own position and capable of defending their point of view. The ideological framework for the program of repressive actions were the words of V. Lenin about “the Red Terror as a response to White Terror” and later the theory of J. Stalin on the class struggle exacerbating with the progress of the socialist society, which needed to be fuelled with the presence of a factual “enemy presence.” It is impossible now to find a scholar that would be able to estimate the number of victims of the political repression in Kazakhstan. A conclusion based on the archival sources points to the fact that the repressions were not only conducted on a mass scale, but also that they were methodically planned.
Władysław Studnicki and the independence generation
Polish “generation of independence fighters” became politically active during the last year of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century, a period of rapid social, political and ideological changes. Władysław Studnicki belonged to this generation. His origin from old Polish Borderlands and family upbringing explains his belief that a recovery of Polish independence should be absolute political priority, as well as his anti-Russian attitude. Because in Studnicki’s opinion recovering of Polish independence could only be regained as a result of war between powers responsible for Polish partition, he was actively supporting creation of Polish military organizations. During the World War I, drawing conclusions from declining importance of Austro-Hungary, Studnicki decided that restoration of independent Poland can only happen with German help and persuaded Germans that this was in their interest. In 1915 the central powers proclaimed recognition of Poland’s independence, known as “Act of 5th May”) that had a major influence on accepting the desire of restoration of Poland by France and Gt. Britain (at that time allies of Russia). Due to his absence of political ability, his role in bringing about the Act of 5th May brought him no popularity. During the inter-war period Studnicki was mainly active as a writer, producing books and articles on politics and economics. In politics he advocated idea of Polish-German cooperation and during the last pre-war year, foreseeing the disastrous effects of Polish-German war, he argued against Poland joining antiGerman alliance. During German occupation of Poland he attempted to persuade Germans to cease their brutal suppression. These attempts were totally unsuccessful and caused him to be imprisoned and being beaten by Gestapo. The last years of his life Studnicki spent in exile in England.
Report from the 7th International Scientific Conference “Dilemmas of Contemporary Asia” held in Torun on 17–18 May, 2012
An inauguration of the International Centre for Eastern European Research of the University of Lodz, Lodz, 29 May 2012
The image of China in the beginning of the 21st century. History, politics, society. academic editing by Joanna Marszałek-Kawa, Adam Marszałek Publishing House, Torun 2012, ss. 356.
Akmal Holmatowicz Saidow, Сравнительное правоведение (основные правовые системы современности) Comparative jurisprudence (fundamental contemporary legal systems) Институт государства и права РАН Академический правовой университет, Москва, Юристъ 2009, ss. 448
„Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego” [Constitutional Law Review] 2010, No. 1–2011, No. 4, Adam Marszałek Publishing House, Toruń
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