Spis treści
- Year of publication: 2014
- Source: Show
- Pages: 3-11
- DOI Address: -
- PDF: so/6/so6toc.pdf
Historians talks about difficult neighbourhood
Topic of the article, which consists of two parts, is the picture of Polish-Russian relations in the latest historiography. In the first part, the author discusses the works of Polish scholars concerning the war expeditions of the Republic of Poland to Moscow (the so-called “Dymitriady”) at the beginning of the 17th century, which left in Russian historical memory permanent negative traces, as well as the invasions of the Eastern neighbor on the Polish lands in the 18th and 19th centuries, especially in times of partitions. The second part, a much more extensive, contains an analysis of the fundamental work by Adam Rotfeld and Anatolij Torkunow under the title Białe plamy – czarne plamy. Sprawy trudne w relacjach polsko-rosyjskich (1918–2008) [White patches – black spots. The difficult cases in Polish-Russian relations (1918–2008)], Warsaw 2010, p. 907. It is composed of 16 chapters, each of which contains two articles on the same subject, one by Polish researcher, the second is Russian. They cover the interwar period, World War II and the time after 1945, among others, the Katyn massacre, the Polish October of 1956 and martial law. The author particularly carefully treats issues causing controversy and comes to the conclusion that this valuable work is a huge contribution to the description of topics overlooked, ignored or deformed by propaganda. Draws attention to the objectivity of Russian authors to Polish affaires and a deep understanding of those matters. It can be showed mainly on the example of their relation to the events in Poland in the years 1980–1981. The work was published simultaneously in two languages-Russian and Polish.
Poland – Russia (Soviet Union) modern history international relations political culture historical legend and historical truth Польша − Россия (СССР)
Autor przedstawia główne obszary współpracy Azerbejdżanu z innymi krajami w ramach procesów integracyjnych, analizując przypadki korporacji takich jak: Shevron, Mc.Dermott, SHELL, Ekson, Mobil, BP, Statoil, Tekfen, Total, Siemens czy Asip. Prezentuje tu najważniejsze fakty dotyczące współpracy Azerbejdżanu i wymienionych firm w dziedzinach: ekonomii, nauki i techniki, informacji i komunikacji oraz kultury i praw człowieka. W tekście są rozpatrywane także ogólne informacje na temat poszerzania współpracy Azerbejdżanu z firmami zagranicznymi w ramach programów współpracy międzynarodowej oraz aktualnie trwających projektów społeczno-ekonomicznych.
Azerbejdżan współpraca zagraniczna integracja międzynarodowa poszerzanie współpracy rozwój społeczno-ekonomiczny Азербайджан иностранные сотрудничество
Islam in the Post-Soviet area – Caucasus
Islam is seen as a homogeneous religion. It is a common belief that the synonymous of Muslim is Arab. Meanwhile, according to statistics of 2013, Muslims constitute over a 28% of the world population. The followers are spread all over the globe and can be found in every country. Thus, speaking about homogeneity and identification of all believers with the Arab world is a serious mistake. Islam in the post-Soviet area, has a characteristic dimension. Caucasian republics, initially conquered by Muslim Empires in the majority submitted to Islamisation. The Soviet reign and atheistic propaganda weakened religion, but after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Caucasus and Central Asia experienced the revival of Islam. Today Georgia is a Christian country with a Muslim minority, Dagestan is the most Islamized Caucasian republic with Sunni majority while in Azerbaijan Sunnis are a minority compared with Shiites. Therefore, how much similar and how much different is Islam in Azerbaijan, Dagestan and Georgia?
Azerbaijan Caucasus Dagestan Georgia Islam Jadidism Soviet Union Sufism Wahhabism Азербайджан Кавказ
Economic relations between the European Union and Iran versus sanctions and energy security
The article provides an analysis economical and political relationship between Islamic Republic of Iran and European Union and its members countries, particularly Greece, Italy and Spain in the context of politics of energy safety. Prior to the adoption of heavy economic sanctions the EU led a double track politics towards Iran: “carrot and stick method”. The main thesis is that sanction on Iran hurts more this country then EU but in some cases: Greece, Italy, Spain could have problems with new energy partners. Iran before sanctions was one of the main European suppliers of oil and natural gas but not for all EU, only for few countries. There are lists of main exporters and importers Iranians oil and natural gas in EU and the world. Additionally a list of EU sanctions on Iran has been attached. Additionally article presents roots of piece of Middle Eastern enemy history relationships between Great Britain, USA and Iran.
Iran USA EU oil natural gas Greece Italy Spain Germany Great Britain Mossadek nuclear programme Иран Санкции
Opportunities and prospects for Turkey’s accession to the European Union
The purpose of this article is to analyze the relations of the Turkish and the European Union, first of all the values and threats that it may bring into force the Old Continent. The article presents the history of European integration of Turkey and the challenges faced by this country before accession. The arguments for and against the country’s membership in the European Union from the point of view of both the Member States and Turkey are featured.
Turkey European Union accession negotiations Турция Европейский Союз
Class-social composition of CPC in enlightment of 18. Congress
The 18. Congress of CPC (November 2012) was a great event in the political life of China and it had the influence on the world policy. It is reult of dynamic uprising of the economy and modernisation in China after last moree 35 years (second economy), also the position and rolle of PR of China in the international life. The main idea of 18. Congress is the conception of scientific development. The political and ideological force of China is CPC. What is a class-social character of contemporal CPC, its social-class composition, its new leaders, what was the CPC evolution from working class party through peasant party to allnational party, it`s the main questions of papers. The last problem is the prospect of socialism in China.
18. Congress of CPC social-class character of CPS social-class compostion of conteporal CPC class-social evolution of CPC CPC – from working class party through peasant party (maoism) to allnational party the prospect of socialism in PR of China 18. Съезд КПК
Security as a policy tool in the Republic of China
The purpose of this article is to explore ‚Security’ as a policy tool in the Republic of China. Defense policy of the ‚Middle Kingdom’ [China] is an inseparable element of China’s foreign policy. Increased spending on militarization raises questions about the intentions of China’s foreign policy. It is worth noting that the ‚Middle Kingdom’ belongs to the group of world powers military, but China’s foreign policy largely determines its political and military force in the world and in the macro-region of the state of China. The limited communications and lack of mutual understanding of reality between Beijing and the United States cause unreasonable security concerns. On the basis of the content analyzed herein, one can conclude that the ‚Middle Kingdom’ strives to to become a superpower while increasing its army. The ambition for further militarization stems from a desire to gain greater prestige in the international arena and to ensure internal security and economic development.
India – “rising” power of the XXI century
The article states, that India’s policy is focused on deepening international economic relations at simultaneous strengthening political cooperation. State’s activity on a worldwide level manifests itself in the new perception of India through remaining powers. The constructive approach to the international cooperation intensifies political and economic transformations and enables to start a dialogue with powers from outside the region. Foreign policy of India aspires to achieve the world power position by means of: consolidating strategic partnership with United States of America, including nuclear and space cooperation; keeping the strategic partnership with Russia mainly on the military and energy basis; enhancing of the cooperation and/or competition with China in order to make India’s national economy the most dynamically developing in Asia and in the world. On it’s way to the position of superpower Republic of India will have to face many challenges. The increase in the power of the state depends on both: implementing free market reforms and effectiveness in fighting problems like poverty in society, a country’s budget deficit, the corruption or the bureaucracy in the Civil Service. A development of infrastructure and the privatization of the public sector will also be essential.
India in XXI century India as a superpower India–China relations Индия в XXI в Индия как великая держава
The People’s Courts of the nomadic population of tsarist Turkestan – an important element of the “local” authorities’ structure (based on archives, legal documents and other materials)
The article considers the status and the role of “native” judicial power in the system of common local self-government bodies among the nomadic population in the pre-revolutionary Central Asia.
koczownicy Azja Centralna sąd self-government władza samorządność nomads court power Central Asia
Characteristics of Russia’s relations with the Kyrgyz tribes in the late 18th and early 19th century
The author of the article describes Russian relations with the Kyrgyz tribes from the late eighteenth to mid-nineteenth century. The main objective of Kyrgyz legations sent at that time to Russia was to acquire certain material goods. In relations with neighbouring powers the elders of the Kyrgyz tribes were guided by several principles. Firstly, they wanted to maintain the position of the only ruler in their tribes and clans. Secondly, to this end, the elders shifted between neighbouring powers (Russia, China and the Khanate of Kokand). Thirdly, the Kyrgyz ensured that no one interfered in their relations with the Kazakhs, with whom they shared common confession (Islam). Up until 1840s Russian politics towards the Kyrgyz tribes essentially focused on protection of merchant caravans which passed through Kirgiz lands on their way to East Turkestan. In later time Russia sought to create from the Kyrgyz territory a buffer zone between itself, China and the Khanate of Kokand.
Central Asia 19th century Russia Kyrgyz tribes international relations Kyrgyz legations foreign policy Azja Centralna XIX wiek Rosja plemiona kirgiskie stosunki międzynarodowe polityka międzynarodowa
Some features of economic development of village in the Eastern Galicia in 20–30 years of the 20th century
The article deals with the agrarian policy of the Polish government of the interwar period, which was intended to reform the agricultural system to increase productivity of agricultural production, the development of commodity-money relations and the activation of cooperative movement. The governmental policy has led to the formation of a land market, creating conditions for the origin of independent farms of different types and sizes, which were based on a private property of land. The main component of the agricultural policy of the government was colonization, which was intended to strengthen the eastern borders of the Second Polish Republic by creating economies of the colonists. They have become a social and political support for the government on the “Eastern lands.” This state policy influenced hostilely on millions of the local Ukrainian population. In despite the understanding of a significant number of Polish politicians and scientists such activities harm to the interests of the state, during the interwar period colonization of the land remained the main direction of agricultural policy. The Polish government has openly ignored the problems of the Ukrainian village, which led to a tangle of economic, national and social troubles that impacted on the Polish-Ukrainian aggravation of interethnic relations.
II Rzeczypospolita Galicja Wschodnia okres międzywojenny współpraca w dziedzinie rolnictwa kolonizacja reforma rolna Second Polish Republic Eastern Galicia interwar period agricultural cooperation colonization agrarian reform
The formation of first Galician Army divisions
The following article focuses on the investigation of how the first Galician Army parts were formed, starting from November 1st protest to the adoption of military duty law. The article reflects research of how the army was formed by reorganizing of Ukrainian troops of the former Austrian army, and mobilization of volunteers. Based on the literature review (i.e. magazine articles, advertisements, messages, reports) the nature of protest, troop mobilization and military formation in various regions of eastern Ukraine is shown. The article describes the role of local officers and activists in creation of first Ukrainian divisions as well as issues associated with location and time of army creation.
military organization disarmament mobilization volunteers shooter sergeant officer organizacja wojskowa rozbrojenie mobilizacja wolontariusze strzelec sierżant oficer
The Second All-Byelorussian Congress (June 1944): a forgotten page of our eastern neighbors’ history
The second All-Belarusian Congress (after the First Congress in 1917, which laid the foundations of the Belarusian national statehood) was held in Minsk on June 27, 1944 on the eve of Soviet Army invasion in the capital of Belarus (‘liberation’ of Minsk from Nazi occupation). In Soviet historiography, this Congress was treated unambiguously negative as a criminal ‘gathering’ of Hitler’s henchmen. Official historiography of Soviet Belarus ignored this event. Several generations of citizens grew up in the post-war decades who had no idea about the Second Congress, its decisions and speeches that were voiced from the tribune. The task of overcoming this ignorance is still relevant which, of course, does not exclude the development of modern critical thinking about political and ideological positions of the national movement leaders of that dramatic era. This problem is connected with concurrent need to revise the view at the Second All-Belarusian Congress, which was dominant in science and political journalism of Eastern European countries, particularly in Polish historical literature – until 1989 in Polish emigre circles and in the last decades in Polen itself. Here this Congress was well know (down to the smallest detail in the memory of eyewitnesses of what happened in June 1944) and discussed openly. Irreconcilable contradictions between Poland and Belarus and anti-Polish sentiment of the Congress were often emphasized. Allegedly, Congrees participants were more concerned about the imaginary ‘Polish threat’ rather than salvation of their country from the Nazi and Soviet occupation in those tragic days (the last days of their stay in the native land). Based on the sources found in archives and examined by the author, primarily the full transcript of the Congress, we can imagine that the content and emotional speeches of Congress delegates (chairman Yauhim Kipel, head of the Belarusian Central Rada Radoslav Austroysky / Ostrovsky, Archbishop of Mogilev and Minsk – Filafey, General Constance Ezavitov, Master M. Shkelionk and culture referent – Nadzeiya Mizkevich) were aimed at protecting the Belarusian national statehood and culture against the threat of degeneration in the USSR. Great moral value in the perspective of revival of the Belarusian state and political activities in the strategy of the Belarusian emigration in the postwar world had Declaration ‘On breakup with the Bolshevik Moscow’ passed by the Congress. The myth engrafted by communist propaganda that the Second All-Belarusian Congress was initiated by the Nazi occupants of Belarus should be dispelled in today’s public consciousness. In fact, the leaders of the Belarusian national movement managed to convene Congress in spite of resistance, prohibitions and unwillingness of the occupation authorities (which is why it only became possible in the last days before the entrance of the Soviet Army in Minsk). Belarussians were the only peoples of the former Soviet Union (who found themselves ‘between a rock and a hard place’ of rivaling forces during the Second World War – Nazi Germany and the Kremlin), who managed to articulate their national objectives and claims primarily related to public integrity and independence of Belarus at the level of the national congress. The very date of the Second All-Belarusian Congress (June 27th) signifies an important additional perspective, which should be considered in the history of the peoples of Eastern Europe of 1944. It turns out that you can do a lot in the last minute. The trail of All-Belarusian Congress, conducted in emergency circumstances, should not be erased from the memory of the Belarusian people and the international community. Comparative analysis of the Congress delegates’ speeches and those of leaders of Belarusian Popular Front ‘Adrazhenne / Renaissance’ that were made in Minsk at the turn of 1980–1990s (for example, at a rally in memory of victims of Stalin’s repression in Minsk on November 1, 1987) shows that there is a political relay race passing from the First to the Second All-Belarusian Congress, to the Belarusian emigration of 1940–1950s (especially to international ‘Promethean League of Atlantic Charta’, speaking also on behalf of the Belarusian people), to democratic forces of the country, entered the historical arena in the era of perestroika.
Results of the II World War national movements of the Soviet Union peoples in the war’s and occupation’s extraordinary circumstances historiography’s contrasts in the events’ interpretation of the 1940s years rezultaty II wojny światowej ruchy narodowe ludów Związku Radzieckiego w nadzwyczajnych warunkach wojny i okupacji kontrasty interpretacji historiograficznej wydarzeń lat 40. XX wieku
The famous bard of Kyrgyz Komuz
The author presents the figure of Aleksander Zatajewicz (1869–1936), famous Russian/Soviet ethnographer and composer. Zatajewicz was of Polish descent, in years 1904–1915 he worked in Warsaw. He became a part of history of Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan, as he was the first to take on the challenge to collect the Kazakh and Kyrgyz melodies and folk songs and to write them down in notation. Zatajewicz zeal in this difficult task can be best illustrated by numbers. In 16 years (1920–1936) he has collected and written down 2 600 melodies and folk songs from Central Asia, Altai and Siberia, and affixed them with his own commentaries. His work is recognized and respected in Kazakhstan and Kyrgyzstan even today
Aleksander Zatajewicz kazachska muzyka ludowa kirgiska muzyka ludowa Kazakh folk music Kyrgyz folk music
Report on the 2nd International Conference on the Post-Soviet Space “Przestrzeń postradziecka: procesy integracji czy dezintegracji” [Post-Soviet Space: a space of integration or disintegration], Toruń, October 17th–18th, 2013
Report on Seminary “Doświadczenia ustawodawcze Polski i Kazachstanu w zakresie polityki samorządowej i mniejszości narodowych” [Legislative Experiences of Poland and Kazakhstan in the Scope of the self-government and national minority policy], Warsaw, July 9th, 2014
Paweł Nieczuja-Ostrowski, “Ormianie w Polsce. Przeszłość i teraźniejszość” [Armenians in Poland. Past and present]
H.A. Nyzkodubova, K.W. Simonova, K.A. Dremova, “Живі свідки історії: спогади – інтерв’ю очевидців нацистського окупаційного режиму 1941–43 pp. на Луганщині” [Living witnesses of history: memories – interviews with witnesses of the 1941–43 Nazi occupation regime in Luhansk region]
Szymon Niedziela, „Konflikty i napięcia w świecie arabskim” [Conflicts and tensions in the Arab world]
Boris Buden, „Strefa przejścia. O końcu postkomunizmu” [Zone of transition: on the end of post-communism]
Eric Hobsbawm, „Jak zmienić świat. Marks i marksizm 1840–2011” [How to change the world. Marx and Marxism – 1840–2011]
Jacek Wysocki, „Ukraińcy na Lubelszczyźnie w latach 1944–1989” [Ukrainians in the Lublin region in years 1944–1989]
© 2017 Adam Marszałek Publishing House. All rights reserved.
Projekt i wykonanie Pollyart