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Punktacja czasopism naukowych Wydawnictwa Adam Marszałek według wykazu czasopism naukowych i recenzowanych materiałów z konferencji międzynarodowych ogłoszonego przez Ministra Edukacji i Nauki 1 grudnia 2021 r.


  • Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne – 100 pkt.
  • Edukacja Międzykulturowa – 100 pkt.
  • Historia Slavorum Occidentis – 100 pkt.
  • Polish Political Science Yearbook – 100 pkt.
  • Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego – 100 pkt.
  • The New Educational Review – 100 pkt.
  • Art of the Orient – 70 pkt.
  • Italica Wratislaviensia – 70 pkt.
  • Nowa Polityka Wschodnia – 70 pkt.
  • Polish Biographical Studies – 70 pkt.
  • Azja Pacyfik. Społeczeństwo. Polityka. Gospodarka – 40 pkt.
  • Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie – 40 pkt.
  • Kultura i Edukacja – 40 pkt.
  • Reality of Politics. Estimates-Comments-Forecasts – 40 pkt.
  • Studia Orientalne – 40 pkt.
  • Sztuka Ameryki Łacińskiej – 40 pkt.
  • Annales Collegii Nobilium Opolienses – 20 pkt.
  • Cywilizacja i Polityka – 20 pkt.

Journals

New journals

African Journal of Economics, Politics and Social Studies

African Journal of Economics, Politics and Social Studies

Copernicus Political and Legal Studies

Copernicus Political and Legal Studies

Co-published journals

Past journals

Coloquia Communia

Coloquia Communia

Paedagogia Christiana

Paedagogia Christiana

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

The Peculiarity of Man

The Peculiarity of Man

Author: Milena Ingelevič-Citak
Institution: Jagiellonian University
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2585-4814
Published online: 30 December 2021
Final submission: 5 December 2021
Printed issue: 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 23
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202206
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202206.pdf

Abstract:

In July 2021, Russia submitted its first inter-state complaint against Ukraine to the European Court of Human Rights. It was an unexpected and intriguing step of the Russian government, especially since many of the presented allegations are linked to the events that initiated the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. Referring to the hostilities that began in 2014, the international community was, in principle, unanimous in assessing who the aggressor was. The focus of this research is the strategy of the Russian Federation in its recently initiated legal battle before the Strasbourg Court. This paper presents an attempt to outline the possible motives for taking such a step. Moscow's position on this case is particularly puzzling, as some of the allegations concern the Crimean Peninsula, widely recognized under international law as territory occupied by Russia. In spite of that, doubt arises about the strategic objectives of the Russian authorities in the conflict with Ukraine; the question is whether the actions taken by Russia fall within the scope of its previous strategy or if there has been a new turn in the matter. The first part of this paper outlines the background of the given conflict, the second details Russian policy after the annexation of Crimea, and the third, which is crucial for the formulating of conclusions, presents considerations on Russia's possible motivation and goals in filing a complaint to the European Court Human Rights. The research was conducted mainly based on the merits of the complaint, the statements of the representatives of Russia and Ukraine in the matter, the author's observations, and practitioners' considerations.

Tags: lawfare the policy of the Russian Federation the annexation of the Crimean Peninsula inter-state case Russian-Ukrainian conflict European Court of Human Rights

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Author: Jacek Bil
Institution: Military University of Technology
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9586-528X
Published online: 30 December 2021
Final submission: 19 November 2021
Printed issue: 2022
Source: Show
Page no: 12
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202207
PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202207.pdf

Abstract:

Russia's hostile actions against the Estonian state structures take the form of soft power, which can be observed in such areas as the activities of the Russian-speaking minority, media coverage, or through the use of coercion when it comes to fuel sales. This article presents qualitative methods of measuring Russian influence on Estonia. An observable trend in international relations is replacing hard power with soft power, commonly used against states within the sphere of interest of certain geopolitical entities. It is more difficult to identify the latter and prove it results from an aggressor's deliberate actions. Information warfare, including disinformation and propaganda, is one of the means Russia uses to exert political influence. By accepting the offer of a political and military alliance with the Western world, the Baltic States have become a threat to the Kremlin's imperialist aspirations. Russia's direct military actions against Estonia and the other Baltic states would have provoked a strong reaction and could even have led to military confrontation. However, the Russian government wishes to avoid it and, for the time being, limits itself to soft power measures.

Tags: impact qualitative methods soft power Policy Estonia Russia

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Author: Agnieszka Lipska-Sondecka
Institution: University of Szczecin
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8911-4087
Published online: 17 December 2021
Final submission: 17 November 2021
Printed issue: 2021
Source: Show
Page no: 3
Pages: 207-209
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202159
PDF: ppsy/50/ppsy202159.pdf

Abstract:

Author: Jakub Zajączkowski
Institution: University of Warsaw
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1459-3850
Published online: 17 December 2021
Final submission: 17 November 2021
Printed issue: 2021
Source: Show
Page no: 23
Pages: 107-130
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202158
PDF: ppsy/50/ppsy202158.pdf

Abstract:

The article's objective is to analyze the main assumptions of India's strategy in the Indo-Pacific region and define the role of the US in it. The time frame of the article is determined by the assumption of power in India in 2014 by the Indian People's Party (Bharatiya Janata Party, BJP), led by Prime Minister Narendra Modi, as well as the opening of a new stage of the US-led Indo-Pacific rebalancing strategy, which followed China's initiation in 2013 of its Belt and Road Initiative (previously known as the One Belt One Road project). The article seeks to answer the following main research question: What role has India attributed to the United States in its Indo-Pacific strategy since 2014? It hypothesizes that the United States has assumed an increasingly significant role in India's regional strategy over the past seven years, but not to the extent of a formal alliance, only approaching at best the status of a strategic partnership. The theoretical framework used to analyze the case study of the US role in India's regional strategy is the category of institutional balancing and the assumptions of neoclassical realism. The choice of such research tools was determined by their explanatory value. Moreover, both models complement each other. Bearing the above in mind, the following structure of the article was adopted. The first part presents the general assumption of the analysis and the theoretical framework. The second discusses the evolution of India's approach to the US from 2014 to 2021, indicating the reasons for its change and reconstructing the role of the US in the Indian regional strategy, especially after 2020. The third part draws on the theoretical framework adopted in the article, i.e., the assumptions of institutional balancing and neoclassical realism, to offer conclusions that answer the main research questions.

Tags: the Indo-Pacific region India strategy the United States

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Author: Andrzej Wierzbicki
Institution: University of Warsaw
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5493-164X
Author: Sylwia Gorlicka
Institution: University of Warsaw
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1205-030X
Published online: 17 December 2021
Final submission: 9 March 2021
Printed issue: 2021
Source: Show
Page no: 17
Pages: 131-147
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202157
PDF: ppsy/50/ppsy202157.pdf

Abstract:

Russia is a state with a multi-ethnic federal structure inherited from the USSR. Implementing an ethnic policy that would unite and integrate its citizens is one of its most important goals. Among Russia’s federal subjects are also national republics pursuing their own ethno-political concepts, either conciliatory or conflictual. Tatarstan and Chechnya are examples of such republics. With the use of the comparative method, the article is an attempt at demonstrating many factors that have an impact on the shaping and implementing of the ethnic policy through such criteria as the status of the republics, the concept of the nation, and ethnocentrism, historical memory, the role of Islam and its politicization, and the language policy. The article also outlines their consequences and possible future scenarios.

Tags: federal subject Chechnya Republic ethnopolitics Tatarstan Russia

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Author: Mirosława Jaworowska
Institution: Main School of Fire Service
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3870-9336
Published online: 17 December 2021
Final submission: 28 November 2021
Printed issue: 2021
Source: Show
Page no: 13
Pages: 161-173
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202156
PDF: ppsy/50/ppsy202156.pdf

Abstract:

The Author has demonstrated that Samoan youth is not indifferent to cultural universals, despite attempting to co-create them in the course of a multi-cultural dialogue and globalization processes. The study was founded on research results conducted through local observations and a questionnaire distributed among students of the Faculty of Education at the National University of Samoa in Apia. The research aimed to learn about the opinions, aspirations, attitudes, and value systems of Samoan students as they represent the educated elite of the 21st-century generation. The interviewed approve of contemporary civilizational novelties, as long as those do not harm the traditional culture. The socialization process in the Samoan youth has been occurring on a borderland between upbringing, traditional family-tribal, and the modern state-citizen education in schools and social life. Family and traditional customs are still vivid despite being more open to contemporary civilization and state developments. Although cautious towards novelties that might threaten the Samoan culture, these attitudes may be assessed as a reformatory. Based on the results obtained in Samoa, it is justifiable to state that the process of cultural transformation universalization has been occurring there in many areas of reality.

Tags: universalization system transformation generation of civilizational advancement emancipation generation culture of security culture clash value system cultural transformation

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Author: Justyna Maliszewska-Nienartowicz
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8266-3104
Author: Marcin Kleinowski
Institution: Nicolaus Copernicus University
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4613-5886
Published online: 2 November 2021
Final submission: 14 November 2021
Printed issue: 2021
Source: Show
Page no: 14
Pages: 19-32
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202155
PDF: ppsy/50/ppsy202155.pdf

Abstract:

Although the rule of law is a normative notion, it requires a multidimensional approach. It speaks to important issues of law and politics, and its respect is essential for both legal and social security. It can be observed within the European Union (EU) where the issue of respect for the rule of law by its Member States has gained particular importance. The main goal of our study is to contribute to the academic discourse concerning the EU rule of law. The analysis particularly considers the approaches adopted by the EU institutions to the definition of this concept. Consequently, the first part of the article concentrates on difficulties in defining the rule of law. The second part presents the evolution of the Court of Justice approach toward this concept. The next part contains the analysis of the attitudes presented by other EU institutions in their documents. In the conclusions, it is underlined that although the approaches of the EU institutions towards the rule of have evolved, and they have tried to define it and indicate its main components, certain issues require clarification, e.g., the relations of the rule of law with other values.

Tags: 'A new EU Framework to strengthen the Rule of Law' ASJM case Les Verts case the EU rule of law and substantive approaches to the rule of law

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Author: Krzysztof Wasilewski
Institution: Koszalin University of Technology
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5378-2822
Published online: 2 November 2021
Final submission: 23 September 2021
Printed issue: 2021
Source: Show
Page no: 20
Pages: 61-80
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202153
PDF: ppsy/50/ppsy202153.pdf

Abstract:

As both the European Union and its member states acknowledge that the proliferation of fake news threatens their political stability and – consequently – the general idea of European integration – they have undertaken many steps to confront that problem. Them, the article examines how EU institutions, together with the member states, have tackled the spread of disinformation within the common policy of cybersecurity. The novelty of this study is that it does so concerning the ongoing process of Europeanization of cyberspace, combining the field of information technology with European studies.

Tags: fake news public sphere European Union Europeanization cybersecurity

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Author: Marcin Grabowski
Institution: Jagiellonian University
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-1447-1818
Published online: 2 November 2021
Final submission: 12 October 2021
Printed issue: 2021
Source: Show
Page no: 11
Pages: 95-105
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202152
PDF: ppsy/50/ppsy202152.pdf

Abstract:

The election of Joseph Biden for the office of the President of the United States has brought expectations of fundamental change in American foreign policy, including policy toward the Asia-Pacific/Indo-Pacific region. As observed in the last few months, the reality has been more complex as definite changes in the US Indo-Pacific policy are not as visible as expected. It is especially in respect of the US policy toward China being more a continuation than a change from Donald Trump’s approach. Changes are rhetorical rather than actual policies. The situation is different in the case of alliances, as Joe Biden offers much more commitment to allies like Japan or South Korea. Also, multilateral dimensions (both regional and global) witness some – however still limited – change. The main goal is to make a comparative analysis of Joe Biden’s policy toward Asia, referring to the administrations of Barack Obama and Donald Trump. Hence the strategies of pivot/re-balance toward the Asia of Obama, and the free and open Indo-Pacific strategy of Trump, will be examined. The analysis refers to the complex interdependence theory and the power transition theory. Methodologically, it is based on document analysis with comparative analysis.

Tags: Asia-Pacific Joe Biden Indo - Pacific Donald Trump Barack Obama United States

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Author: Teresa Usewicz
Institution: Polish Naval Academy
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6234-224X
Author: Kinga Torbicka
Institution: University of Warsaw
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-6625-5060
Author: Magdalena El Ghamari
Institution: Collegium Civitas
ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-5798-7545
Published online: 18 October 2021
Final submission: 8 August 2021
Printed issue: 2021
Source: Show
Page no: 27
Pages: 33-59
DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202149
PDF: ppsy/50/ppsy202149.pdf

Abstract:

In this paper, the authors attempt to prove that the Polish position on developing the EU’s Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP) was skeptical, despite entries in political and strategic documents which emphasized its great significance for Polish security policy. It is evidenced by Poland’s low level of involvement in EU missions and operations and other undertakings in the CSDP area. The central hypothesis adopted at the beginning of the research is that Poland has always treated security and defense within the European Union as a kind of complement to the potential and capabilities developed within the framework of the North Atlantic Alliance, and the Polish involvement in CSDP has never been adequate to the provisions contained in political and strategic documents. Poland’s stance resulted, on the one hand, from the weakness of the CSDP’s political framework, which was shaped by numerous compromises among its member states, and on the other hand, from the political elite’s conviction that only NATO’s, and de facto the United States’, security guarantees are credible. In this paper, the authors analyze Poland’s previous experience resulting from polish participation in the policy in question and the evolution of Poland’s position toward its development in the context of the Republic of Poland’s security interests formulated in political and strategic documents.

Tags: security interests Common security and defense policy European Union Poland

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