Nowadays, the common denominator of involvement of the EastCentral Europe in the international arena, and above all, the premise determining community of interest expressed in the European Union is the migration crisis. Despite the different circumstances of activity in the context of the migration crisis, states in the region express similar opinions on the consequences of immigration for security in the region. Above all, they emphasise the implications of immigration for the internal security of states. Given the complex nature of migration, this article focuses on the phenomenon of immigration in the EU, determining the causes of the escalation of the influx of immigrants and, above all, identifying the consequences for the security of states of East-Central Europe.

Questions of citizenship and nationhood have increasingly gained prominence given the internationalisation of employment, especially with respect to the free movement of workers within the EU. Scholar Rogers Brubaker has suggested that an absence of a strong identity as a nationstate and the lack of an established national citizenship have contributed to “the confused and bitter politics of immigration and citizenship during the last quarter-century” in Britain. This legacy continues to this day. For instance, on the fi rst of January 2014, migration and employment restrictions on Romanians and Bulgarians were lift ed, provoking mass public outcry in the UK. In a recent poll, three quarters of respondents expressed concern about the possible infl ux of Romanians and Bulgarian migrants. Playing on populist fears, London mayor Boris Johnson quipped: “We can do nothing to stop the entire population of Transylvania – charming though most of them may be – from trying to pitch camp at Marble Arch”. British ministers have even considered launching a negative publicity campaign in Bulgaria and Romania to dissuade migrants, highlighting the dreary weather and lack of job opportunities in Britain.

The study indicates that migratory movements are one of the fundamental values of life and culture of civilization. The heritage of the past is rich, revealing their scale, consequences, opportunities and barriers to development. Since the end of the 18th century, migrations have been deeply involved in the political life of each country and international environment. A new cultural dimension is associated in fact with the global formation of civil society, in the process of the simultaneously occurring unification and diversification of cultural life. The image of the migration life clearly involves the presence of Poland and Polish people both in terms of migrants and immigrants.

Economic Freedom and Migration from Ukraine: the Case of Well-Educated Youth.

This paper is based on the idea that there is a special pattern in migration of the well-educated youth from Ukraine connected with the difference in levels of economic freedom that include higher salary and welfare. The survey was conducted in order to obtain data regarding influence of the level of economic freedom on the decision to leave and choice of the target country. The analysis of the survey results was carried out in terms of economic freedom and its importance to the respondents, that has brought authors to the conclusion that economic freedom is indeed important factor for educated youth when the decision to leave is made.

The article outlines Beck’s major concepts in order to show some theoretical frameworks for the study on migration, young people and possible conflict-laden interactions between them. The example of Poland seems to be particularly relevant to the discussion about the validity of Beck’s contribution to the understanding of divisions, contradictions, and desires of the global generation. Although Poland is not perceived as a country of immigration, many young people declare their greater orientation to migration. However, many young people also appear very reluctant to accept immigration to Poland. The article attempts to consider some explanations for this reluctance. The study is descriptive and designed to explore new perspectives. The main goal of the article is to start discussion about generational interconnectedness in times of rapid migration and set up a research agenda for work on Polish young people in a described framework.

The multitude of defining the concept of security is related to the fact that representatives of various fields of science describe and perceive this phenomenon from the point of view of terminology, own knowledge, as well as from the scope of their discipline. For many security is a belief that you are out of the reach of any threat. Based on the Copenhagen school theory, the essence of the objective and subjective understanding of security was emphasized. Against this background, the movement of people was analyzed as a security issue. Poles living in Great Britain are more often in contact with this issue than in their country of origin. The scale of threats is extremely different. For Poles migrating to the UK, the most dangerous threats appear to be in the social sphere. The aim of the article is to analyze the phenomenon of Polish migration to Great Britain after 2004. Additionally, the process of describing security and its transition from the sphere of theory to practice was attempted. Although in the open public space, on city streets, parks and squares, there are personal threats related to crimes, as well as to social threats – attacks and assaults caused by frustrated and aggressive groups or individuals, Poles feel safe. Despite knowing about terrorism or manifestations of social or cultural phobias, Poles migrate to Great Britain. In addition, the article attempts to prove that the technological extension of public space leads to a sense of greater security.

The aim of this article is to analyze Polish foreign policy, its nature and instruments of implementation under the migration crisis. The migration issue is in this case the determinant of foreign policy, which verified and actuated Polish external policies in the bilateral relations, as well as in the framework of multilateral cooperation. The migration issue has also become a determinant of European policy of Poland prejudging the extent and mechanisms of Polish involvement in the solution of the migration crisis in European institutions. It should be noted that a different approach to EU policies and its activities to prevent and mitigate the effects of the influx of people on its territory is reflected in the relations between Member States, as exemplified by the Polish-German relations. The migration issue is also reflected in the activities of the Visegrad Group. Fear of the consequences of mass migration into the EU and, above all, opposition to the obligation to accept refugees based on the quota system proposed by the European Commission intensified cooperation within the Visegrad Group. From the Polish foreign policy perspective, the Visegrad Group is seen as an important entity influencing its effects.

The migrant crisis in Europe, which reached its zenith in 2015, made EU politicians realize the urgent need for a more effective migration policy that would rely more on supranational cooperation. Absence of this policy triggers migrant influx to Europe, in particular of unqualified labour force, and enhances illegal migration from which organized criminal groups profit enormously. Moreover, uncontrolled migration processes give rise to a number of social, economic, political and cultural problems all across the EU, and thus nurture the Eurosceptic mood. This leads to societal negation of the European integration project and provides fertile soil to the spread of radicalism and xenophobia. The aim of the study is to capture the position of European Parliament on recent migrant crisis. The Parliament, a democratically legitimate body, which claims the right to represent European societies, advocates adoption of systemic EU approach to migration which should be based on the respect of human rights and creation of legal migration pathways for refugees and workers needed by Europe. The solution of the present migrant crisis is sought by the EP in moving towards a common, comprehensive European immigration policy and enhanced solidarity of EU member states in response to increased influx of refugees from conflict zones.

Austria jest krajem, który w swej polityce kieruje się (w przeszłości i obecnie) pragmatyzmem, tj. interesem narodowym, będącym wyznacznikiem tego, co jest akceptowalne, a co nie. Interes narodowy jest istotnym faktorem w ramach uprawianej tam polityki migracyjnej i nie ma znaczenia czy chodzi o imigrantów ekonomicznych, czy o uchodźców. Od lat 60. XX w. Austria jest postrzegana jako miejsce, w którym można znaleźć lepsze życia. To dlatego przybywali tam licznie gastarbeiterzy z Jugosławii i Turcji. Politycy austriaccy podejmowali działania mające na celu kontrolowanie napływu robotników cudzoziemskich – preferowano tych przydatnych dla miejscowej gospodarki, a jednocześnie niestanowiących zagrożenia dla rodzimej siły roboczej. Z podobną sytuacją mamy do czynienia w czasach obecnych. Imigranci mają nie tylko ekonomiczne, lecz także polityczne znaczenie. Partie lewicowe postrzegają w nich okazję do wzmocnienia swych wpływów. Z szeregów imigranckich wywodzą się bowiem w większości ich wyborcy. Partie prawicowe starają się zaś pozyskać przychylną opinię tej części elektoratu, która nie godzi się na przyjmowanie większej ilości przybyszów. Specyficznym aspektem austriackiego pragmatyzmu jest wypowiadanie krytycznych opinii wobec państw Europy Środkowej i Wschodniej, które nie wspierają niemieckiej willkommenskultur. Austria, która w przeszłości była postrzegana jako most łączący Wschód z Zachodem, straciła w oczach krytykowanych krajów, w tym Polski.

At the beginning of 21st century, we are witnessing a global transformation of the generational dynamics that exacerbate intra-generational tensions across ethnic lines. Amid crises, global challenges and deep-seated insecurity are interwoven with the turmoil of the present. With the instability of an increasingly complex world, young people are highly exposed to the forces of global risks. All young people are affected, but not all young people equally. Therefore, global generations break down into different fractions in a conflictual relationship with each other. This article outlines Beck’s major concepts in order to show some theoretical frameworks for the study on global generations. The focus is on the role of the university that should play in the contemporary world. The example of Poland seems to be particularly relevant to the discussion about the validity of Beck’s contribution to understanding of divisions, contradictions, and desires of the global generations. Many young Poles appear to be open for migratory experiences, but at the same time, they are reluctant to accept immigration to Poland. The article attempts to explore some contexts of mixed feelings about migration such as individuality and insecurity, media and the culture of catastrophe, education and neoliberal agenda. Nevertheless, the main goal of the article is to reconsider the role of education in times of rapid migration and generational interconnectedness.

The aim of the article is to analyze the discourse of Pope Francis on the issue of migrations and checking whether it changed after the so‒called ‘migration crisis’ from 2015. The period of time taken into considerations starts from 2014, i.e. one year after Jorge Bergoglio became the Pope, and ends in the current 2018. The analyzed data include annual papal proclamations delivered at ‘International Migrants Day’. Methods applied in the study are content analysis and Berelson’s method.

Динамика численности этнических украинцев в УССР: на основе итогов Всесоюзных переписей населения 1959 г., 1970 г. и 1979 г.

В статье исследованы Всесоюзные переписи населения 1959 г., 1970 г., 1979 г. как основной источник для комплексного изучения динамики численности и территориального размещения украинцев в разных регионах УССР в течение 1960-х – 1970-х гг.; охарактеризовано национальную политику советской власти, которая руководствовалась приоритетом государственного общенационального единства всего «советского народа» и презирала ценность этнической нации. Выяснено, что Украина была одним из центров аккумулирования эмиграционных потоков в Советском Союзе, из-за чего многонациональное общество УССР, основу которого составляли украинцы, постепенно превращалось в двунациональное, где украинское большинство сосуществовало рядом с непрерывно растущим русским меньшинством. Такие переселения проводились прежде всего по политическим соображениям и были направлены на то, чтобы коренной народ терял свои национальные особенности – язык, культуру и тому подобное.

The paper presents thematic analyses relating to migration processes, situated between the Legacy of the Past and Challenges of the Future. The authors focus on a complex migration process referring to key factors that characterise it as well as dominant concepts in host societies: segregation and integration. The theoretical considerations undertaken in the text are primarily oriented towards presenting the diverse situation of Migrant Children and Youth “On the Move” as a category of the young generation affected by migration processes. The text is an attempt to reflect on the functioning of migrant backgrounds in the context of children’s and adolescents’ integration with the new place of residence. Particular attention was drawn to fragile areas generating distance, social exclusion and consequently hindering the process of integration.

This article attempts to reflect on three crucial issues concerning migration research. First of all, we seek the answer to the question: what is a specific problem of migration in sociology and in theoretical and methodological approach? For this purpose we reach to the roots of Polish researches of migrants, by Florian Znaniecki and Józef Chałasiński. Secondly, we try to reconstruct the map of current migration problems as is the effect of reviewing the literature of the subject. We pay particular attention to research on migration issues in the UK. Thirdly, we attempt to present our own research approach to Polish emigrants’ problems by using two basical categories: adaptation and integration. The subject of further empirical investigations will be the factors which facilitate or block these processes.

European migrant crisis (Considerations removed of emotion and political correctness)

The article looks at the migrant crisis, which reached full flow in 2015, in terms of Europe’s long-term development and its relationship to other continents. It verifies the limited options for studying this topic due to the unavailability of primary sources.

Celem badań, które zostały przeprowadzone w ramach projektu (Nie)łatwe powroty do domu. Badanie funkcjonowania dzieci i młodzieży powracających z emigracji, było zdiagnozowanie sytuacji dzieci i młodzieży powracających do Polski i opisanie jej z różnych perspektyw: dziecka, rodzica, nauczyciela/ki, a także osób pracujących w poradniach psychologiczno-pedagogicznych. W badaniach wzięło udział 34 dzieci, 27 rodziców oraz 26 nauczycieli. Z respondentami i respondentkami przeprowadzono częściowo pogłębione wywiady, a z pracownikami Poradni Psychologiczno-Pedagogicznych wywiady focusowe oraz badanie ankietowe.Wyniki badań wskazują na występowanie dyskryminacji w stosunku do dzieci powracających w polskich szkołach. Przybiera ona różne formy: od nieuwzględniania przez szkołę ich specjalnych potrzeb edukacyjnych, przez etykietowanie, po przemoc słowną albo fizyczną ze strony rówieśników. Badania pokazują również, że często kadra szkolna nie tylko nie reaguje adekwatnie na przemoc stosowaną względem tej grupy dzieci, ale sama dopuszcza sie takiej przemocy w sposób nieświadomy. Sytuacja ta może wynikać zarówno z braku przygotowania nauczycieli do pracy z dzieckiem z doświadczeniem migracyjnym w ramach studiów, a także z braku dostępu do szkoleń na temat edukacji antydyskryminacyjnej.

Współczesne dyskusje o problemach państw europejskich przyjmujących rzesze migrantów stanowią wiodące wątki namysłu nad humanitarnymi rozwiązaniami problemu masowego napływu obywateli różnych narodowości i kultur do Europy, a także współczesnego rozumienia idei wielokulturowości, tolerancji oraz przestrzegania praw człowieka. Celem artykułu jest ukazanie pomijanego dotąd wątku obywatelskiego działania w społecznościach lokalnych na rzecz integracji i inkluzji migrantów i azylantów. Przykład XIX projektu Hull House z Chicago (USA) ukazuje, jak próbowano ten problem rozwiązywać lokalnymi siłami społecznymi w czasach, gdy migrantami byli Europejczycy. Autorki zadają w tym kontekście pytanie, czy i w jakim stopniu w czasach współczesnych rola obywateli jest i powinna być bardziej znacząca w debatach polityki społecznej i międzynarodowych dyskusjach międzypaństwowych. Ukazują szereg współczesnych inicjatyw lokalnych, będących odpowiedzią zwykłych mieszkańców na to, jak widzą możliwości i realizacje działań przyjmujących i włączających nowych przybyszów do społeczeństwa.

Podjęte w opracowaniu rozważania dostarczają zbornej rekonstrukcji najważniejszych właściwości kategorii różnicy kulturowej w specyficznym kontekście społecznym. Kontekst ten zostaje tu przywołany w odniesieniu do modelu społeczeństwa otwartego. Naczelna teza niniejszego tekstu zawiera się w założeniu mówiącym, że kulturowa odmienność stanowi społeczną konstrukcję zbudowaną ze specyficznych reprezentacji Inności w danych dyskursach narodowych. Narzędziem, na którym opiera się to założenie, jest ukazanie najważniejszych kwestii związanych z pojęciami kluczowymi, takimi jak wielokulturowość, migracje i rosnący poziom heterogeniczności kulturowej uwidaczniającej się w różnych sferach życia publicznego.

The summary may not be so original, but I take the liberty of quoting Jan Czaja’s words which in my book are really accurate: „Summing up considerations on the topic of sources for Polish culture, it may be said that they connect - like opportunities for its development - with its opening to the world, what means opening both on global and mass culture (equating generally with commercial American products) and more and more advanced European integration, thus both process are not coherent. As a one, this process is extraordinarily complicated and conflictual. It is worth to remember that flowing with figments from another culture would be really dangerous, if it have met thoughtless and dull society which can afford on creative internalization but only mindless imitation. As Polish history shows, society was forced to life in the face of many dangers, its culture developed the best in periods of such dangers, mostly in places of their bigger closeness (for example on Eastern marches). Moreover, there is no agreement among theorists if dangers dominate or civilizational chances resulted from this opening. And at the end the nontrivial matter: opening for this stream from world (from West) is a result of our sovereign decision what makes the situation diametrical different in comparison to that one from the period of socialism when the stream of dominant culture (from Soviet Union) was a result of horrible war, Jałta’s matter and also political and ideological enslavement”.

The purpose of the reflections in the article is an attempt to find an answer to the question of whether and how films speaking about the topic of multiculturalism could serve intercultural education and communication, upbringing towards tolerance, preventing racism, prejudice, and negative stereotypes. More and more often, modern cinema audience experiences multiculturalism and is encouraged to reflection about mutual acceptance and tolerance of cultural diversity. Presenting in films ethnical and racial minorities is connected with reflection on migratory movements and the issues of multicultural societies. According to the adopted assumption, films on this subject can support the process of communication and intercultural education.