In contemporary Europe, there can be noted the overlapping and rivalry of the two signifi cant tendencies, which are becoming stronger and stronger. On one hand, one can notice multilevel processes of integration and conditions connected with them and that are concerned with democracy, tolerance, globalization, etc. On the other hand, one can observe disintegrative factors of various kind, which refer to actions and postures connected with chauvinism, xenophobia, neo- fascism and separatism. In the second view, especially in Central and Eastern Europe (CEE), various aspects connected with nationalism seem to be of great significance. This is clearly reflected by the events which took place in, for example, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Croatia, Kosovo or Macedonia.

Article „Languages – a tool in the hands of nationalists and globalists – the current situation in Europe” is going to present the current problem that appears on the Old Continent in the area of using the case of knowledge of languages to present the political situation. In the current times nationalistic tendencies are staring to be more visible – by in example rising of popularity of conservative and right-oriented parties or growing up of nationalist movements that are using xenophobic slogans. By focusing on the procedure of applying for citizenship of one of the European Union’s country, and on the position of languages in he European Union it is possible to understand some processes that are appearing in the political area. By taking into account these tendencies it is also possible to take attention on the fact of development of position of the languages in the Europe.

REVIEW

Problemy wiary i religii państwa świeckiego, ich wzajemnych relacji są w czasach chwiejącego się świata1 bardzo istotne i nie do przecenienia.
Należy szukać odpowiedzi jak pogodzić renesans religijności ze wzmożonym sekularyzmem w różnych krajach. Mówimy również o postsekularyzmie. Te ważkie zagadnienia determinują podziały polityczne w Polsce. Bez wspólnego dialogu, dążenia do konsensusu, odrzucenia fundamentalności możemy jako wspólnota polska przestać istnieć.
Grozi nam przejście od utopii do dystopii. Wszystko zależy od tego jak reagować na te wyzwania będą państwo i Kościół katolicki. Należy również odrzucić wszelkie fobie i nacjonalizm z szowinizmem narodowym.

W Europie obserwujemy zjawisko renesansu nacjonalizmu. Zauważalny jest wyraźnie wzrost znaczenia partii odwołujących się do kategorii narodu i interesu narodowego. Niektórzy mówią wręcz o trzeciej fali nacjonalizmu po okresie nacjonalizmu demokratycznego z lat 1789–1870 i niedemokratycznego z okresu od 1886 do 1945 r., wówczas nastąpić miałby czas nacjonalizmu europejskiego. Rzeczywiście partie i ugrupowania nacjonalistyczne w poszczególnych krajach europejskich odnalazły wiele łączących je problemów, pewne uniwersalne treści wspólne im wszystkim, których chcą bronić, bądź je propagować. W związku z tym mamy do czynienia z próbami tworzenia sieci transnarodowych, walczących o wspólne cele, przeciwstawiających się zjawiskom migracji, islamizacji czy federacyjnemu modelowi integracji europejskiej.

The insignificant trends of political thought. Contradictions and understatements

The main issue of this article are the insignificant trends of political thought and their contradictions and understatements. The article describes the following trends of political thought: anarchism, communism, nationalism, monarchism, transhumanism, primitivism, ruralism and also National anarchism, National Bolshevism and Slavophilism. These trends of political thought are characterized by internal contradictions and opposition to democracy.

Between Conflict and Coexistence: A Case Study of Hindu-Muslim Relations in Rural North-Western India

The Partition of India upset the status quo causing riots, casualties and a colossal wave of migration that sent thousands of Muslims to their new homeland, Pakistan. Despite the mass violence and displacement, around 35 million Muslims eventually stayed in India. The tensed Hindu–Muslim relations in the aftermath of the Partition intensified a long-standing rivalry between the two groups and led to a feeling of insecurity among Muslims. Strained relations among Hindus and Muslims, which stay at the forefront of social concerns in contemporary India, remain a major cause of worry and call for an in-depth analysis. The article focuses on how the Hindu-Muslim relations developed throughout the modern history, especially during the times of the Indian Independence Movement. The goal of my research is to elucidate historical, social and political contexts of Hindu– Muslim relations in India and to shed a new light on this multifaceted issue. After presenting a historical perspective on Hindu-Muslim relations, the article provides a case study on both communities’ attitudes towards each other. Based on two months of fieldwork conducted in Northern villages of India in January and February 2018, I investigate the multiple stereotypes about Muslims prevailing among Hindu rural community. I address a question whether the character of this uneasy relation is closer to coexistence or a hidden conflict.

Views of the National Party (1928-1939) merit special attention, given both the Party’s prominent role in the political life of interwar Poland and the interesting combination of various elements derived from diverse ideological trends within the Party’s programme. The ideological legacy of the National Party reflected, to a large extent, the key constituents of the National Democracy’s political thought, such as nationalism, representation of all social classes, national integrity and the concept of the nation-state. The National Party underwent major evolution and was subject to internal divisions which makes the image of its political thought much more complex. Based on an analysis of the National Party’s political thought, several conclusions can be formulated. The National Party developed its own views regarding political systems. These were, to a large extent, determined by their own system of values based on the national idea. The National Party’s political system projections were mainly inspired by (1) the successes of the “new type” states; (2) pressure from totalitarian systems; and (3) the influence of the economic and spiritual crisis. The National Party leaders wanted to make the political system more efficient. Nonetheless, views in favor of directly imitating any foreign political systems could hardly be found in the Party’s political thought. The National Party’s ideologists and journalists invariably stated that there was no pre-defined political system, but its form had to be adjusted to the specificity and unique character of a given national body. Although inspiration was drawn from external political systems, the Party’s political thought did not lose its independence.

Narastające migracje do bogatych krajów Północy ewokują pełen napięć dyskurs uprzywilejowani Oni versus mniej uprzywilejowani Inni. Znormatywizowane postawy wytworzone przez nacjonalistyczne „wspólnoty wyobrażone” oraz społeczno-ekonomiczne realia kraju, do którego udaje się emigrant, ugruntowują strukturę nierówności oraz brak dialogu in between. Na podstawie powieści Vigdis Hjorth zatytułowanej Et norsk hus autorka zwraca uwagę na istotność owych procesów komunikacyjnych oraz potrzebę tworzenia polifonicznej przestrzeni wzajemnej odpowiedzialności, opartej na solidarnościowych założeniach feminizmu.

Hindu-Muslim Relations in Times of Coronavirus

The history of Hindu-Muslim conflicts in India is century-long. Ever mounting hostility of Hindus has been the primary reason why Muslim minorities in India have fallen victim to the increasing levels of systemic violence. COVID-19 has undergone another dangerous mutation and took Islamophobia to the whole new level. Instead of uniting in the face of danger, we are observing the growing social divisions on the Hindu-Muslim line and the galloping increase in distrust between the two. Are Muslims terrorists who are engaged in jihād using the virus as a weapon? Such superficial judgement is not in the interest of anyone. Nuanced understanding of the novel witch-hunt against Muslims is essential before jumping to any hasty conclusion. The present study aims to explore the consequences of the pandemic for Muslim communities in India, as well as conspiracy theories such as corona jihād, bio jihād, love jihād or population jihād that began to flourish amid the coronavirus crisis.

Jan Stachniuk (1905–1963) was genuine Polish philosopher and political activist. Stachniuk started his activity in ranks of the left-wing Piłsudskite youth movement but during 1930s he became an ideologue of the anti-Catholic ultra-nationalist far right group called Zadruga. Under Nazi occupation of Poland Zadruga movement was absorbed into left-nationalist Stronnictwo Zrywu Narodowego and after the World War II Stachniuk unsuccessfully tried to collaborate with new communist regime. His ideology was synthesis of pantheist neopaganism, extreme pan-Slavic nationalism and totalitarian (quasi-Stalinist) version of socialism but his last – and most mature – works proclaimed universalist ideal of human creativity.

Spain is one of the countries which is facing a lot of nationalist sentiments and aspirations of certain autonomous communities seeking if not for sovereignty, then at least for greater autonomy or a federal system. This paper aims at investigating the case of Catalonia by examining the roots of Catalan nationalism, its main determinants and drivers for change. It also explains the reasons for evolution of the accompanying factors and claims that Catalan nationalism is civic and not ethnic in nature. Its main factors are economic and cultural as well as ideological ones, built on the common identity shaped by cultural and religious heritage. Till the crisis of 2007/2008, Catalan nationalism was not violent – neither in actions nor in its claims. Deterioration of the economic situation and social frustration made it easier for politicians to use the nationalist argument to win a political battle. It resulted in the revival of stronger nationalist sentiments and a desire for self-determination.

The article presents the issue of influence of the political myth of Corneliu Zelea Codreanu on the thought of contemporary Polish nationalist groups. The Legionary Movement is a particular example of combining a strong religious commitment with political extremism. The figure of Codreanu is one of the most frequently invoked in the discourse of contemporary nationalist groups. The aim of this article is to show the influence of the Codreanu myth on the political thought of four contemporary Polish groups: National Revival of Poland, All-Polish Youth, National-Radical Camp, and Falanga. As a result of the analysis of the content presented by the groups mentioned above, the political myth of Codreanu can be considered the most popular personal political myth of contemporary Polish as well as European nationalism.

Russian economic nationalism and the vectors of Russian foreign policy

In this article, the author wants to test the impact of economic nationalism on the change in Russia’s foreign policy. The author will refer to neoclassical realism, which shows how to combine the issues of power distribution in international relations with the influence of the domestic level of the state on the process of creation of the foreign policy. In terms of neoclassical realism, economic nationalism is a variable that shapes the perception of the economic challenges facing Russia. The author also points out that economic nationalism is also related to the protectionist policy of the Russian Federation. Thus, it influences the shaping of processes within and outside the country. The author recognizes that in the process of creating the Russian foreign policy decisions, economic nationalism should be linked to other factors, especially security issues and Russia’s general strategic culture, in order to obtain the final set of premises that will determine Russia’s shifts in foreign policy. The tensions related to the role of the EU and NATO in the countries of Eastern Europe clearly influenced the level of cooperation between Russia and the West. Nevertheless, economic issues in this regard were also extremely important. Russia’s power position was based on the economic potential.

Contemporary nationalisms as a manifestation of the paradox of globalization

Transformations within national and international policies influenced by globalization, cause changes in value systems and related modifications in the conditions of functioning of political entities, contributing to their evolution. This publication is an attempt to show new directions in international relations and to show certain regularities that follow periodically, determining the behavior of political participants. The starting point for the research is the indication of contemporary manifestations of nationalism, analysis of progressing globalization and the relationship that exists between them. On this basis will be indicated regularities, which influence the shaping of the structure of social support for liberal or nationalist postulates. The publication may contribute to changing the perception of the nature of globalization and understanding the reasons for the increase in support for liberalism and nationalism.

Question of racism in the thought of the ideologists of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (1929–1945)

The goal of the article is to show what role did the racist elements play in the ideology of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists and whether they were present in that ideology at all. In the scientific discourse it remains controversial, whether OUN was in fact a fascist organization. Those discussions very often ignore the question of racism and its role in both Italian fascism and Ukrainian nationalism. It is also rarely analyzed what was the nature of those racist elements. In the article the historical-legal method has been used, as well as the comparative method. The problem has not been analyzed in the chronological manner, in order to secure the clarity of the article Applied structure of the paper allows showing the analyzed problem from the most general questions to more detailed ones. Works of the ideologists connected with OUN, such as Dmytro Dontsov, Volodymyr Martynec’, Dmytro Orlyk, Yuliyan Vassyjan and Yuriy Lypa have been analyzed, Author decided to underline most important parts of their thought presented in their books and pamphlets and compare their views on each issue. It allowed to indicate that racism is often a topic presented in the works of the ideologists of OUN, although there is no one version of that thought. Every author presents his own view on that topic and other approach. However, they seem to become gradually more interested in the problem of the race in late 30’s and 40’s. However Ukrainian racism is not a biological racism. It treats the race as the spiritual phenomenon with a biological substrate.

“American exceptionalism and historical themes in Joe Biden’s selected 2022 speeches on war in Ukraine” is a study of three 2022 speeches given by the United States of America in context of Russian aggression on Ukraine. An author’s goal is to establish does Joe Biden’s speeches contain any remarks on nationalistic idea of American expectionalism in context of war in Ukraine and what is the correlation between contents of addresses and its audiences. The paper was written to prove that motives and themes such as American expectionalism, Manifest destiny and Pax Americana are present in remarks even if their topic is European Affairs. In terms of relation contents-audience, research was conducted to determine what relations there are and what influence them.

Extremist movements and radicalism in Australia against the background of tensions between the policy of multiculturalism and the domination of Anglo-Saxon culture

In multicultural Australia everyone, regardless of language, nationality or culture, has the right to express themselves openly. However, despite its official commitment to diversity, contemporary Australian society continues to experience tensions between multicultural politics and the domination of Anglo-Saxon cultural heritage. Right-wing politicians have described multiculturalism as a harbinger of a social conflict that would lead to an ethnically divided Australia. Following the events of September 11, 2001, some regulations were introduced to expand the catalog of tools used by the police and law enforcement agencies to effectively prevent acts of violent extremism. These restrictions on civil liberties are being used by Australian extreme-right movements as an argument to undermine confidence in the government’s “oppressive” policies. The Covid-19 pandemic and its effects has also revealed negative shifts in the landscape of brutal Australian extremism. This raises the question of how serious danger to the national security could an Australian nationalism be left unchecked, capable of transforming into racially and religiously excluding ideas of belonging to society. The paper shows that failure to react decisively to the continued undermining of trust in democratic institutions and exploiting the cracks in social cohesion may lead to Australia no longer being perceived as a defender of the principles of liberal democracy. Instead, it will come to be regarded as a „colonial bastion of white settlers,” and such a poor racial reputation of the country will undoubtedly make it difficult for Australia to navigate in an increasingly tense regional geopolitical environment in the future.

Results of the elections to the Regional Parliament and the Cortes Generales in the Basque country as a reflection of the nationalist tendencies

Basque nationalism is a multifaceted and complex issue in which many aspects overlap, but much can be deduced from the political sympathies expressed by the inhabitants of the Basque Country during the elections to both the regional parliament and the Cortes Generales. The political parties’ programs are also a good source of knowledge. The aim of the article is to outline the programs of the Basque main political parties and the results of parliamentary elections as two important determinants for the analysis of nationalist tendencies in this autonomous community. The article provides an analysis of the political origins of Basque nationalism and also focuses on the PNV party as the leading political force for moderate nationalism. The last part concerns the socio-political moods at the end of the second decade of the 21st century in the Basque Country.

A signpost at the crossroads. The life and thought  of Józef Karol Potocki (1854–1898) of Józef Karol Potocki (1854–1898

Józef Karol Potocki vel Marian Bohusz (1854–1898) was very important and influential although forgotten thinker. His ideas of evolutionary socialism and ethnic nationalism were fundamental for both main Polish political formations of the 1st half of 20th century: Polish Socialist Party (and broader Piłsudski’s camp) and National Democracy. The very fundament of Potocki’s world-view was idea of any “cosmic energy” as prime mover of evolution. The evolution leads towards broader and broader, deeper and deeper integration, towards more complex societies. In opinion of Potocki socialism (as a system based on cooperation) would be natural result of this evolution. Historical and cultural heritage transform society into nation – community bonded by biological ancestry, economic cooperation and culture. This ethnic meaning of the Polish nation excluded Jewish minority. On the other hand, the real nation are the working people (especially peasants), not ruling classes. Nation needs an independent state as instrument of autonomous development, therefore Potocki was bitterly anti-Russian. Potocki tried to propagate the idea of a common front of socialists and nationalists for independence. Polarization of Polish public opinion in the end of 19th century made his efforts unsuccessful.