- Author:
Marcin Adamczyk
- E-mail:
marcin.amadeusz.adamczyk@gmail.com
- Institution:
Uniwersytet Wrocławski
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3432-0358
- Author:
Patrycja Rutkowska
- E-mail:
patient@op.pl
- Institution:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9660-9528
- Year of publication:
2019
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
7-28
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/so2019201
- PDF:
so/16/so1601.pdf
Critical analysis of post-Cold War China-India relations in the perspective of structural realism
Our article is an attempt to answer the question of whether it is possible for two neighbouring countries, which aspire at the same time to the role of superpowers, to cooperate and have peaceful relations with each other. In order to answer this question, we intend to prove the thesis that the state of China-India relations, despite the appearance of good neighbourly relations, is defined by growing security problems. In order to do this, we intend to conduct a system-level analysis based on the current of structural realism in international relations using historical and comparative methods. The aim of this article is to critically analyze China-Indian relations in the post-Cold War period. At the same time, we intend to show that the thriving diplomatic relations between New Delhi and Pakistan are in fact a façade concealing poorly functioning economic relations and, above all, a number of security problems. The first chapter is a brief description of the theoretical framework of the article in the form of a realistic current in international relations and security research and an explanation of the applied concepts of power balance, security dilemma and bandwagoning. The second and third chapters are a brief description and analysis of political and economic relations after the Cold War. In chapter four, we identify the leading security issues in India-China relations. In summary, we try to answer the research question and confirm the thesis.
- Author:
Paweł Hanczewski
- Institution:
Uniwersytet Mikołaja Kopernika w Toruniu
- Year of publication:
2020
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
150-170
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2020.66.10
- PDF:
apsp/66/apsp6610.pdf
W XVIII wieku jeden z najczęściej dyskutowanych w Europie problemów z zakresu bezpieczeństwa i stosunków międzynarodowych dotyczył sposobów utrzymania pokoju. Dominowały trzy koncepcje: wiecznego pokoju, wojny sprawiedliwej oraz równowagi sił. Ważny głos w tej dyskusji zajął wybitny brytyjski myśliciel i polityk, Edmund Burke. Mimo że koncentrował on uwagę na sprawach wewnętrznych Wielkiej Brytanii i jej imperium, przez całą karierę publiczną interesował się też sytuacją na kontynencie europejskim. W przeciwieństwie do Rousseau, Kanta czy Vattela, połączył on wybrane elementy wszystkich trzech koncepcji. Przedstawił oryginalny pomysł na utrzymanie pokoju opartego na równowadze sił, prawie międzynarodowym i wspólnocie wartości łączących państwa europejskie, a wyrastających z dziedzictwa historycznego i kulturalnego.
- Author:
Marcin Adamczyk
- E-mail:
marcin.amadeusz.adamczyk@gmail.com
- Institution:
University of Wroclaw
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-3432-0358
- Author:
Patrycja Rutkowska
- E-mail:
patient@op.pl
- Institution:
Nicolaus Copernicus University in Toruń
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9660-9528
- Year of publication:
2021
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
57-76
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/so2021104
- PDF:
so/19/so1904.pdf
The Clash Between China and the United States and Security in the Asia-Pacific Region – A Security Dilemma, a Balance of Power and the Bandwagon Effect
This article attempts to answer the question about the security situation in the Asia-Pacific region. The authors decided to verify the authenticity of the thesis that Asia witnessed the birth of a new security dilemma based on the data on the amount of defense spending among the key countries of the region (China, the United States, Japan, Russia, Pakistan, Australia, and India). The second thesis that the authors want to confirm or reject is that there is a coalition in the Asia-Pacific area that is creating a balance of power and, at the same time, a growing number of countries that want to join the PRC. To this end, the authors have used a content analysis method and a comparative method. The first chapter is a brief description of the article’s theoretical framework in the form of a realistic current in international relations and security research and an explanation of the concepts of power balance, security dilemma, and bandwagoning applied. The second chapter presents data on the defense spending of the most important actors in the region. In the third chapter, which is a substitute for a conclusion, the authors will analyze the situation in the Asia-Pacific region using the previously presented theoretical approach and empirical data.
- Author:
Filip Grzegorzewski
- E-mail:
filipgrzegorzewski@gmail.com
- Institution:
University of Warsaw (Poland)
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3160-8214
- Published online:
30 January 2022
- Final submission:
23 January 2022
- Printed issue:
March 2022
- Source:
Show
- Page no:
16
- Pages:
59-74
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202210
- PDF:
ppsy/51/ppsy202210_4.pdf
Strategic ambiguity, or the deliberate policy of uncertainty as to whether the United States would use force to defend Taiwan against an invasion by the People's Republic of China, has been the centrepiece of US policy towards the Taiwan issue for decades. This paper discusses the factors driving the redefinition of strategic ambiguity and its recalibration throughout Donald Trump's presidency (2017–2021). The fundamental driver of this change was to balance the rising power of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). The paper applied offensive realism as a theoretical framework for its analysis. Under President Donald Trump, Washington modified its policy of strategic ambiguity, explicitly framing relations with Taiwan within a broader Indo-Pacific strategy. While the US retained key elements of strategic ambiguity, including the 'One China' policy, it added new features to deploy it offensively against Beijing's growing regional hegemony. The increased dynamism and unpredictability of relations with Taiwan were matched by a welcoming attitude towards strengthening Taiwanese identity and highlighting the systemic differences between communist China and democratic Taiwan. America stepped up arms sales and encouraged Taiwan to build its self-defence capabilities. Washington engaged in countering Chinese attempts to isolate Taiwan internationally and included it in restructuring global supply chains. Although the United States has not formally revised the boundaries of the 'One China' policy, the modification of strategic ambiguity increased Taiwan's prominence in US-China power competition and pushed back the prospect of peaceful unification.