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Punktacja czasopism naukowych Wydawnictwa Adam Marszałek według wykazu czasopism naukowych i recenzowanych materiałów z konferencji międzynarodowych, ogłoszonego przez Ministra Edukacji i Nauki 17 lipca 2023 r.

Scoring of scientific journals of Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek according to the list of scientific journals and reviewed materials from international conferences, announced by the Minister of Education and Science on July 17, 2023.


  • Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne – 100 pts
  • Edukacja Międzykulturowa – 100 pts
  • Historia Slavorum Occidentis – 100 pts
  • Polish Political Science Yearbook – 100 pts
  • Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego – 100 pts
  • The New Educational Review – 100 pts
  • Art of the Orient – 70 pts
  • Italica Wratislaviensia – 70 pts
  • Nowa Polityka Wschodnia – 70 pts
  • Polish Biographical Studies – 70 pts
  • Azja-Pacyfik - 40 pts
  • Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie – 40 pts
  • Kultura i Edukacja – 40 pts
  • Reality of Politics - 40 pts
  • Studia Orientalne – 40 pts
  • Sztuka Ameryki Łacińskiej – 40 pts
  • Annales Collegii Nobilium Opolienses – 20 pts
  • Cywilizacja i Polityka – 20 pts
  • Defence Science Review - 20 pts
  • Pomiędzy. Polsko-Ukraińskie Studia Interdyscyplinarne – 20 pts
  • African Journal of Economics, Politics and Social Studies - 0 pts
  • Copernicus Political and Legal Studies - 0 pts
  • Copernicus. Czasy Nowożytne i Współczesne - 0 pts
  • Copernicus. De Musica - 0 pts
  • Viae Educationis. Studies of Education and Didactics - 0 pts

Journals

New journals

Co-published journals

Past journals

Coloquia Communia

Coloquia Communia

Paedagogia Christiana

Paedagogia Christiana

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

The Peculiarity of Man

The Peculiarity of Man

Czasopisma Marszalek.com.pl

Where Does the Buck Stop with the Backstop? The Irish-UK Border in Brexit Negotiations: June 2016-January 2019

  • Author: Paul McNamara
  • Institution: Technical University of Koszalin (Poland)
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-1688-1709
  • Year of publication: 2020
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 92-126
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy2020206
  • PDF: ppsy/49-2/ppsy2020206.pdf

The abject failure of British Prime Minister Theresa May to get the United Kingdom’s (UK) Withdrawal Agreement from the European Union (EU) through Parliament on 15 January 2019, with MPs overwhelmingly rejecting it by 432 votes to 202, has been put down to a variety of reasons. Primary among them has been the question of the post-Brexit status of the land border between the Republic of Ireland and the UK’s province of Northern Ireland. Although an issue which was initially seen as of minor importance, the significance of the Irish border steadily grew over time until it became the main stumbling block in UKEU Brexit negotiations brought about by the decision of the British people to leave the EU in a referendum held on 23 June 2016. Indeed, the key term of the ensuing debate, namely ‘the Irish backstop’, produced such confusion among politicians, political pundits and the general public that the House of Commons, split between so-called Brexiteers and Remainers, decided to reject May’s deal out of hand. This article seeks to argue that, from June 2016 (the time of the referendum) up to January 2019 (the time of the first vote on May’s Brexit deal in Parliament), the issue of the Irish backstop was seriously underestimated before suddenly taking centre stage and ultimately sabotaging the Withdrawal Agreement from within.

Bilans poprawek do konstytucji Republiki Irlandzkiej dotyczących Seanad Éireann

  • Author: Marek Barbarewicz
  • Institution: Uniwersytet Gdański
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4465-6488
  • Year of publication: 2023
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 61-74
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2023.06.04
  • PDF: ppk/76/ppk7604.pdf

Results of Amendments to the Constitution of the Republic of Ireland Relating to Seanad Éireann

Seanad Éireann in the Republic of Ireland, being currently one of the few examples of a chamber of parliament implementing the formula of functional representation, is often the object of criticism and proposals for constitutional reforms in terms of its functioning and, in particular, the method of electing its members. The previous amendments related to the Senate – VII of 1979 and XXXII of 2013 – ended in failure and did not implement the accompanying basic ideas regarding the systemic reform. The article introduces the composition of Seanad Éireann, the historical context of the development of both amendments, the context of attempts to implement them, failures in this regard and the consequences of this failure and includes a reflection on the future of the chamber and an indication of further attempts at its reform.

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