The aim of this article is to show the relationship between, the features (in cultural, sociological and political science terms) exhibited by contemporary Russian society and the political regime (in holistic terms by J. Linz), that existed in the Russian Federation (in the years 2007–2015). We assume that an evolution from stable contemporary Russian society to amalgams system combining elements of authoritarianism with dictatorship has taken place during this period. We point out the essential features that constitute the nature of Russian society and social behavior of political importance. Referring to the theory of “the state in society” by D. Migdal, We put the thesis that it is just the Russian way of thinking resulting in certain behavior, that causes the permanence of contemporary Russian society with a tendency to move on the line continuum toward totalitarianism. Proving that Russian society is not a civil society, but a state society, we determine the structure, the role and the modes of operation of Russian intra-system opposition.

An important argument in favour of recognising the cultural relativism and against universality of dignity and human rights, is the claim that the concept of dignity is a genuinely modern one. An analysis of a passage from the Demiurge’s speech in Timaeus reveals that Plato devoted time to reflecting on the question of what determines the qualitative difference between certain beings (gods and human being) and the world of things, and what forms the basis for the special treatment of these beings – issues that using the language of today can be described reasonably as dignity. The attributes of this form of dignity seem to overlap with the nature of dignity as we know it today. Moreover, Plato proposes a response both to the question of what dignity is like, as well as the question of what dignity is. It is existential perfection, rooted in a perfect manner of existence, based on a specific internal unity of being. Dignity is therefore primordial in regard to particular features and independent of their acquisition or loss. Plato’s approach allows him to postulate that people be treated as ends in themselves; an approach therefore that prohibits the treatment of people as objects. Both the state and law are ultimately subordinated to the good of the individual, rather than the individual to the good of the state.

The article found that the Ukrainian diaspora was an integral component of Ukrainian ethnic integrity. Numerous public, cultural and educational institutions created by emigrants in their places of residence stood guard over Ukrainian national interests and, despite all obstacles, conducted fruitful cooperation with Ukrainians in the Motherland. In order to preserve and develop the Ukrainian language, representatives of the diaspora paid great attention to the release of the Ukrainian printed word into the world. Due to total censorship in the Ukrainian SSR, Ukrainians abroad contributed to the publication abroad of many Ukrainian works that were banned in Ukraine. By means of international tourism, international student exchange, and world radio broadcasting, contacts between Ukrainian and foreign youth were gradually established, and the spheres of communication expanded. The main task of the Ukrainian diaspora was to preserve the ethnic and cultural identities of the Ukrainian nation, and consolidate the scattered emigration forces for the sole purpose of preparing a political and professional basis for the acquisition of an independent, cathedral Ukrainian state.

Famine as a political tool – the potential for use by the authorities of totalitarian regimes

The phenomenon of long-term malnutrition has very serious physiological and psycho-social effects. In addition to impairing the immune system and physically weakening the body, starvation causes aggression, apathy and alienation of individuals. Famine-affected communities are atomised and individuals functioning within them are incapable of building interpersonal relationships. Given the consequences that the phenomenon of hunger causes for individuals and communities, it can be a political tool used by the authorities of totalitarian regimes. The paper presents experiments showing the physiological and psycho-social consequences of hunger sickness and then juxtaposes their results with socio-anthropological concepts of totalitarianism. On the basis of the analysis conducted in the paper, it is shown that there is a significant correlation between the social consequences of hunger and the social character of totalitarianism. Drawing on these considerations, the paper identifies areas where hunger can be used as a political tool by the authorities of non-democratic states.