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Punktacja czasopism naukowych Wydawnictwa Adam Marszałek według wykazu czasopism naukowych i recenzowanych materiałów z konferencji międzynarodowych, ogłoszonego przez Ministra Edukacji i Nauki 17 lipca 2023 r.

Scoring of scientific journals of Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek according to the list of scientific journals and reviewed materials from international conferences, announced by the Minister of Education and Science on July 17, 2023.


  • Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne – 100 pts
  • Edukacja Międzykulturowa – 100 pts
  • Historia Slavorum Occidentis – 100 pts
  • Polish Political Science Yearbook – 100 pts
  • Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego – 100 pts
  • The New Educational Review – 100 pts
  • Art of the Orient – 70 pts
  • Italica Wratislaviensia – 70 pts
  • Nowa Polityka Wschodnia – 70 pts
  • Polish Biographical Studies – 70 pts
  • Azja-Pacyfik - 40 pts
  • Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie – 40 pts
  • Kultura i Edukacja – 40 pts
  • Reality of Politics - 40 pts
  • Studia Orientalne – 40 pts
  • Sztuka Ameryki Łacińskiej – 40 pts
  • Annales Collegii Nobilium Opolienses – 20 pts
  • Cywilizacja i Polityka – 20 pts
  • Defence Science Review - 20 pts
  • Pomiędzy. Polsko-Ukraińskie Studia Interdyscyplinarne – 20 pts
  • African Journal of Economics, Politics and Social Studies - 0 pts
  • Copernicus Political and Legal Studies - 0 pts
  • Copernicus. Czasy Nowożytne i Współczesne - 0 pts
  • Copernicus. De Musica - 0 pts
  • Viae Educationis. Studies of Education and Didactics - 0 pts

Journals

New journals

Co-published journals

Past journals

Coloquia Communia

Coloquia Communia

Paedagogia Christiana

Paedagogia Christiana

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

The Peculiarity of Man

The Peculiarity of Man

Czasopisma Marszalek.com.pl

Władza sądownicza w warunkach kryzysu demokracji konstytucyjnej

  • Author: Tomasz Słomka
  • Institution: Uniwersytet Warszawski
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-9226-5828
  • Year of publication: 2020
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 217-232
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.04.11
  • PDF: ppk/56/ppk5611.pdf

Judicial Power in a Crisis of Constitutional Democracy

The article is devoted to the problems of changing the position of the judiciary in Poland in the conditions of crisis of constitutional democracy. Two basic research hypotheses are verified. First of all, after 2015, Poland was one of the countries revising its liberal-democratic political foundations. Such foundations undoubtedly include: the rule of law, the principle of constitutionalism and the principle of division and balance of power. Secondly, the political position of the judiciary has been defined in the liberal-democratic Constitution of the Republic of Poland in a way appropriate for the protection of the above mentioned values, but the political practice shows that the lack of proper will to implement the constitutional provisions (using the arithmetic advantage in parliament without the recognition of minority rights) may violate the „backbone” of constitutional democracy.

A Critical Study in Judicial Councils in the Baltic States - A Comparative Approach

  • Author: Katarzyna Szwed
  • Institution: University of Rzeszów
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2755-2804
  • Year of publication: 2020
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 557-571
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2020.06.45
  • PDF: ppk/58/ppk5845.pdf

This study aims to discuss the organizational models of the judicial councils functioning in the three Baltic States - Estonia, Lithuania, and Latvia. The analysis takes into account the time and direct rationale for establishing the relevant bodies, their composition and the process of selecting the chairperson, the length and recurrence of the term of office, the number of judges in the council, and the competences of the councils. The overview of Estonian, Lithuanian, and Latvian legal solutions is intended to examine the legal basis of the Judicial Councils, their legal status, composition, and organization, and their competences in the light of the standards developed in Europe. The work was prepared based on a dogmatic-legal method, using elements of historical and comparative analysis.

100 lat definiowania polskiego modelu „separacji” władzy sądowniczej

  • Author: Mariusz Jabłoński
  • Institution: Uniwersytet Wrocławski
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-8347-1884
  • Year of publication: 2021
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 119-151
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2021.04.06
  • PDF: ppk/62/ppk6206.pdf

100 years of defining the Polish model of “separation” of the judiciary – what we had, what we have and what we might want to have

The subject of the study is an analysis of over a hundred years of practice defining the role and political position of courts in Poland. The verification will be subject to compliance in the practice of exercising power not only with constitutional provisions (or indicating the reasons and consequences of their omission), but also with other regulations that accompany the creation and application of specific legal solutions in the context of guaranteeing the independence of the judiciary. At the same time, the assessment of the adopted solutions in terms of respect for the standards developed by international bodies for the protection of individual freedoms and rights and EU bodies was taken into account.

Pojęcie legitymizacji na przykładzie statusu sędziego w polskim prawie konstytucyjnym

  • Author: Paweł Nowotko
  • Institution: Uniwersytet Szczeciński
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9860-9129
  • Year of publication: 2023
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 25-36
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppk.2023.03.02
  • PDF: ppk/73/ppk7302.pdf

The Concept of Legitimacy on the Example of the Status of a Judge in Polish Constitutional Law

The subject of the analysis is the definition of legitimacy of the systemic status of a judge. The author has previously reconstructed two lexical understandings of the term “legitimacy”, which he defined as “state” and “process,” respectively. The thesis, that the way of defining the term “legitimacy” as “process” is adequate for analyzing the legitimacy of a judge’s constitutional position is the apex for further research. The author has formulated his own definition of legitimacy, referring to the judge’s systemic status. This is a particularly momentous task given the complexity of the construct of legitimacy, as well as the prevailing terminological confusion in the doctrine. The problem of legitimacy with regard to judges is crucial not only in terms of the legitimacy of their constitutional position, but also in terms of a possible finding of lack of legitimacy, given the consequences of this.

The Rights and the Proxies of the Monarch in Romania According to the Constitution of 1866

  • Author: Yaroslav Popenko
  • Institution: Bogdan Khmelnitsky Melitopol State Pedagogical University, Ukraine
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0841-0875
  • Year of publication: 2023
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 63-69
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/CPLS.2023307
  • PDF: cpls/7/cpls707.pdf

The article is devoted to the analysis and the characteristics of the rights and the proxies of the monarch in Romania according to the Constitution of 1866. The adoption of the first Basic Law was the fateful act in the history of the state-building processes of Romania and contributed to its development as the sovereign state. The Constitution had the contractual nature and established the compromise between the young bourgeoisie and the large landowners in the form of the constitutional monarchy. The king in Romania for a long time remained the person who was «above» of all the state and political leadership of the country. This status and the proxies of the monarch were delegated with the first Basic Law. The legal fixing of such legal status of the monarch at the level of the Constitution made it possible to establish full-fledged royal power, which was an extremely important state-political step for the development of Romania as the independent country. The constitutional foundations, the functions and the limitations of the institution of the monarchical power in the principality were fixed in the number of the articles of the Constitution of 1866. At the same time, the important state-constitutional aspect was the clear fixation that all proxies of the monarch could be done based on the interests of the Romanian nation. The Basic Law of 1866 established the proxies of the monarch such as in the legislative branch of power (the right of legislative initiative, the right of the interpretation of laws, Articles 32–34); executive power (had to implement it in the manner determined with the Constitution, Article 35) and partially in the justice system (the right to declare amnesty on the political issues, the right to postpone or to mitigate punishment in criminal cases, Article 93). For strengthening of the foundations of the statehood, the Constitution officially established the principle of the hereditary power of the monarch (Article 82). His person was declared inviolable. Herewith, the Romanian constitutionalists fixed that the monarch did not have any other proxies, except those granted to him with the Basic Law (Article 96). Adopted in 1866, the Basic Law approved legally the democratic aspirations of the Romanian nation. It defined directly the most important principles of the state functioning as the principle of the national sovereignty, the principle of the division of powers, the principle of representative government, the principle of hereditary monarchy, the principle of the responsibility of the state officials, the principle of the Rule of law, etc. The Basic Law definitely contributed to the gradual democratization of the state-governing and public structures, the formation of the concept of the civil personality and untouchability, foresaw the presence of the political and legal pluralism in the country, etc. Due to the introduction of the institution of the constitutional monarchy, that ruler in the person of Karl I could establish and hold the certain political balance in the country between the liberals and the conservatives, which opened the possibility to potentially strengthen the two-party system and laid the foundations of the civil society and the future constitutional life of Romania.

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