Privatisation of security did not appear in the process of revolution. Under conditions of deepening international relations, as well as integration and globalisation processes, security of the state, as well as other entities, is subject to a number of dependencies. The article casts some doubt on how much states are prepared to take such actions, while not losing the attribute of monopoly on violence. Moreover, the article presents doubts about the ranks of modern armed forces. Private Military Firms (PMFs) are new actors the actions of which affect the security. The contemporary image of the PMF functioning is a phenomenon on a global scale. In the twenty-first century, small businesses can have a huge impact on the reality and international affairs. Leaving military firms without state control proves that they do not understand the dynamics, range, risks and challenges posed by cooperation with entities that are allowed to use force. Furthermore, despite devastating consequences that occurred during the state stabilisation operations, these firms continued to outsource services to contractors, while not creating any legal control over them.

The paper discusses some fundamental differences between Aristotelian and modern conceptions of the state. It focuses its attention on the early liberal thinkers, such as Thomas Hobbes and John Locke, and contrasts the theory of state developed by them with the classical republican ideal described by Aristotle. As I will demonstrate main differences come down to (1) distinct ideas concerning the state’s origins (and especially human motivations behind establishing the state), (2) divergent convictions about the role of the state and its ethical dimension; and finally (3) different beliefs concerning basic feelings and passions which sustain existence of political community. I argue that on the basis of Stagirite’s philosophy it is possible to question whether civic association described by the precursors of liberal political thought is actually the state. In conclusion, I signalize the problem of serious limitations of contemporary liberal democracies (or even their internal contradictions) resulting from their attempt to follow an ideal of an ideologically neutral state. 

Societies create cultural models in order to maintain their identity. They constitute a reflection of values and symbols to which they are the most attached. In Russia, there has been a dispute about cultural identity for a long time. During Vladimir Putin’s presidency, when the liberal idea was devalued, a serious debate about the future of Russia was commenced. In contrast to Russia, Poland has always emphasized its European roots and identity of its culture with the Western culture. Comparative studies of the two cultures lead to the conclusion that significant differences are views of: man, freedom and the state. The definition of man in a given culture is associated with the worldview. In Russian culture it has been formulated on the basis of monastic practice and experience of Church Fathers. Hesychasm and deification – are the basis of the Orthodox anthropology. In the contemporary Russian culture one can observe the revival of hesychasm, which stems from the life practice. Latin anthropology was formed under the influence of Saint Augustine’s Confessions. According to Augustine, man is dust and only his „self ”, the person, is endowed with „existence, consciousness and will”. Augustine was the first Latin theologian, who pointed out the historical subjectivity of an individual. Therefore, the European thought identified man with historical ones: the state, nation and economics. The issue of a person’s freedom is the basic issue of Western anthropology. Man perceived himself as an autonomous entity that exists thanks to the autonomous intellect and respects the rights of others adhering to the same principles. Freedom in Orthodox culture is understood as inner freedom from external determinants Saint Augustine formulated a number of problems which are the basis of the Western understanding of the state. The specificity of understanding Augustine’s state is associated with the belief that people are sinful and it has an impact on the state system. Russian state doctrine is connected with Byzantine heritage. The idea of Moscow the Third Rome is a continuation of Byzantine diarchy. The contemporary Russian state thought says that liberal democracy and internationalism are unfamiliar to Russian culture. It finds it necessary to return to the ideocratic country and calls for recovering from the Russian disease of self-consciousness – “occidentalistic rootlessness”.

The article considered written sources concerning the practice of imperial power, represented by administration of K.P. Kaufman, the first governor-general of Turkestan and national courts of Turkestan.

The significance of multilateral treaties in the history of Europe

The article discusses the importance of issues of multilateral treaties in the history of Europe since 1945. It is when a large number of international organi­zations were launched, including those that were regional like European Com­munities/European Union. The author tackles the issues of multilateral agree­ments between countries and international organizations and the European Union, that have been grouped according to scope. Verification of the scientist problem resulted finding that multilateral treaties are undeniable urge to reg­ulate new areas of relationships, but they do not replace the bilateral relations between the countries. Evidenced by the increase in the number of bilateral agreements together with the increasing number of multilateral agreements.

The Chinese-Taiwanese conflict in realist paradigm – three levels of Kenneth Waltz’s analysis

This article attempts to systematize the possible sources and causes of the Chinese-Taiwanese conflict based on the three levels of analysis presented by Kenneth Waltz. The author discusses the assumptions of realism theory (structural realism) on the basis of the modes of functioning of the individual, state, and international system. Through this analysis, it will be possible to assess the location of the various elements (forces) driving the war in the international system.

Problemy wiary i religii państwa świeckiego, ich wzajemnych relacji są w czasach chwiejącego się świata1 bardzo istotne i nie do przecenienia.
Należy szukać odpowiedzi jak pogodzić renesans religijności ze wzmożonym sekularyzmem w różnych krajach. Mówimy również o postsekularyzmie. Te ważkie zagadnienia determinują podziały polityczne w Polsce. Bez wspólnego dialogu, dążenia do konsensusu, odrzucenia fundamentalności możemy jako wspólnota polska przestać istnieć.
Grozi nam przejście od utopii do dystopii. Wszystko zależy od tego jak reagować na te wyzwania będą państwo i Kościół katolicki. Należy również odrzucić wszelkie fobie i nacjonalizm z szowinizmem narodowym.

Asymmetry of warfare, or more often asymmetric warfare, is an issue often referred to in descriptions of contemporary political and military relations affecting the state. It is even presented as an entity threatened by these hostilities. Meanwhile, these acts are a form of an armed conflict in which opposing sides have different military potentials. One of the potentials is the power of the state. We must wonder then how the state uses it. Is it not an entity who uses it in a way disproportionate to the situation of conflict? The paper argues that a contemporary state is not without sin and it is not just that it is not able to protect its interests from asymmetric threats. Warfare still is, which many forget, the basis for hostilities (war). In the author’s understanding (erroneous perhaps?) asymmetry does not only occur at the level of war, but it also happens in its key dimension – warfare. It has emerged not only through the change in the status of the fighting party, but also through the time of warfare and using the warfare terrain.

PERSONALISTIC MODEL OF POLITICS

In the ongoing discussion of politologists who present different ways of comprehending politics, personalistic approach emphasizes the need for improving political power in terms of humanization. It also underlines the necessity of further development of the state to increase citizens’ participation in real political power. That is why there are numerous models and types of politics. Constant search and development is the basic trend in history, as well as in social and political life. Personalistic model of politics elevates the man’s dignity.

Reflections on the nation and the state in the Polish political thought

The paper provides an overview of mostly nineteenth-century concepts of nation and state, juxtaposed with sociological theories. It begins with the definitions of the basic concepts and their relations, along with the change in their meaning over time. The author presents also the origins, development of the Polish nation and state, comparing the description with sociological theories. Next, the Enlightenment, Romantic and positivist concepts of nation and state were presented together with views prevailing in particular currents of the Polish socio-political thought. According to the author, the idea of nation and state gradually crystallised in the Polish political thought, to take on suggestibility and become an essential component of social life, albeit this process occurred in a variety of ideological milieux, with its culminating phase at different points in history. The author emphasised the polymorphism of the idea of nation and state as well as a variety of contexts in which they may occur.

The school protest in the Polish part of Russia and Germany that took place in 1907 forced young Poles to educational emigration. In Galicia, Polish-language academic institutions have developed a new elite. Together with Polish graduates of Western European universities turned out to be the main factor consolidating society around the idea of rebuilding the state. In the revived Second Republic of Poland, academic circles proved a counterbalance to autocratic rule in 1926-1939. The more so because the number of universities increased from 8 to 32 and they represented a high, world class level of education. After 1945, the rapid reconstruction of Polish universities and the consolidation of the academic community have prevented the communists from taking over higher education. In addition, after the turn of 1956, the autonomy of Polish universities was expanded despite the riots in 1968. Martial law and the breakdown of Solidarność resulted in taking over the function of socio-political opposition by academic circles up to 1989. In turn, the breakthrough made at that time was also thank to Polish elites, but at the same time led to a rapid development of the number of universities and the birth of academic capitalism. An attempt to violate the autonomy of universities in 2005-2007 stimulated the academic community and contributed to the collapse of the PiS government in 2007. Universities and the elites educated in them are in the long run more important for society than the institution of the state, material or economic resources, or armed forces. From this perspective, the Polish case confirms the proposed thesis and the visibility of the third function: supporting democratization processes in the society.

Due to contemporary political conditions, there is a number of geopolitical entities outside the states that are not internationally recognized as states, due to a number of sociological, legal, historical and political factors. The world’s changes may contribute to the changes of the status of non-state geopolitical units. Authorities from unrecognized states have been making efforts for many years to recognize members of the international community as full, but this is a difficult task. Also, in the societies of dependent territories, the need for change is more and more often considered to be crucial, because it is very important for their future. There is no doubt that contemporary international relations constitute an interesting research field, if only due to the problems of recognition and lack of recognition of the states undertaken in the following considerations.

Attempts to regulate by the governance of mode of life and behavior of partials in the history of imperial states were especially evident in the fashion industry. The article explores the evolution of the Russian court costume, as well as the uniform of officials and students during the XVIII-XIX centuries in the context of social political reforms that took place in the state during this period of time.
The content of government decrees published in the full collection of laws of the Russian Empire is analyzed, which contain orders on the color of the fabric, cut and trim of the costume. The purpose of this lawmaking is to “reconcile” the old Russian traditions with the norms of modern European life. A special place in the study is given to the reforming activities of Peter I, who, with his decrees, changed the entire “sign” system of Ancient Russia. Peter I “changed clothes” of the Russian elite into a European costume, but after the October Revolution of 1917, the Soviet elite could not wear the prePeter garb, which, like the entire “sign system” of the Moscow kingdom, was associated with the ideas of Orthodoxy, the inviolability and the eternity of regal power.
In the 20-30s of the twentieth century, the struggle in the USSR against the tailcoat and tall hat was a struggle against bourgeois ethics, and as a result, a struggle against the norms of Western European etiquette.
It is revealed that the problem of “form” in the broadest sense of the word was of particular importance for Russian life. The pressure of a powerful, but not organized force - all this increased the importance of external forms and organization of life, be it a form of government structure or everyday life.

The article considers the history and development of the inauguration ceremonies of US presidents. Their role in legitimizing power and their influence on creating the image of the state is evaluated. The very specificity of the inauguration as a social phenomenon makes this ceremonial action a kind of illustration of the cultural condition, mores and tastes of society, national characteristics, becoming a symbolic characteristic of hierarchical differences. Its norms reflect not only ideology, but also the social psychology of society, without an adequate interpretation of which it is impossible to correctly understand the behavior of statesmen in specific situations related to their social status. State civil and military ceremonies, being, as a rule, striking events in the life of the state, have symbolic meaning. They establish a balance between their immediate participants and the highest environment, testify to the stability/instability within the ruling elite. Modern ceremonials of the inauguration of world presidents are politics, prestige, and the image of the government in power.

The aim of this paper is to analyze the specific character of the so-called Islamic State. For the purposes of the study it is based on two assumptions. Firstly, the rise of the so-called Islamic State was determined by a number of regional and international conditions, in particular the destabilization of the Middle Eastern order, the events of the Arab Spring, operations of the United States in the region, globalization processes, and technological development. Secondly, the specific nature of the so-called Islamic State, reflected in the use of violence and intimidation, noncompliance with the principles of international law, and challenging the international order exclude the possibility of the entity in question being considered as a person of international law. To begin, with view to attain the research objective stated above and under consideration of the research hypotheses adopted herein, this paper examines the root causes behind the rise of the so-called Islamic State at the regional and international level. Subsequently, it defines the specific nature of the entity in question, taking into account its territory, internal structure, principles of operation, and personality.

The article analyzes the election programmes of the two largest political parties in Poland, namely, Law and Justice and the Civic Platform (Civic Coalition) from the 2019 parliamentary elections, referring to the proposals of these parties to change the functioning of the state, in particular the scope of legislative, executive and judicial power. The conclusion summarizes the presented programme proposals, considering whether their implementation would be possible under the current political conditions.

Nowadays, international disputes appear in the public space, which results, for example, from the fact that the needs are unlimited and the goods are limited. Due to its specific nature, the international environment requires a compromise between the entities operating in it. A desirable direction in case of conflicts between international entities is to resolve them by peaceful means. In the international environment, one of the largest international organizations - the United Nations - is of great significance, especially in the field of maintaining international order and peace. In turn, according to the provisions of the Charter of the United Nations, it is possible to resolve international disputes by peaceful means, and among the characteristic methods used in this type of proceedings is the mediation method, the effectiveness of which allows, in the long term, to maintain the desired state of peace, strengthening the legal security of the state.

In the context of democratic discourse, civil society is given a decisive role in the formation of power and influence on power. However, between the authorities (state and self-governing) and public organizations, as representatives of the interests of civil society, mostly subject-object relations are established, where the subject is the government. The article is devoted to finding an answer to the question: can the model of subject-subject relations between the government and civil society, where both social institutions are equal participants in the political process, have practical application? Analysis of social changes in Western Europe and Ukraine gives grounds to support the point of view of those scholars who consider civil society the basis of the state, a factor that gives a specific character to each state formation, regardless of the generality of democratic processes. At the same time, attention is drawn to the heterogeneity of civil society, which is a barrier to its consolidation and strengthening of subjectivity. There is a noticeable increase in competition between the state and civil society in terms of influencing society, as well as the manipulation of public movements by public authorities to achieve political goals. However, a fairly high level of public confidence in public organizations and the potential for their advocacy allow the use of public influence to activate the population and strengthen the position of civil society in relations with the authorities.

Human rights in the constitutions of selected European countries

Nowadays human rights are an essential part of constitutional regulations in the European countries. The very first universal regulation based on the rights of every citizen, was The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen set in 1789. Analysed constitutions of France, Belgium, Switzerland, Germany, Austria, Latvia, Bohemia, Slovakia and Poland point to the developments of rights of individuals through expanding these rights from the rights of the citizens to the rights of every person on the territory of a particular country. Obviously, the rights concerning exclusively the citizens of a particular country, like for example the right to vote, have still been maintained. A modern catalogue of rights and freedoms of individuals is abundant and expanded by, for example, the right to the constitutional complaint or the right to a clear environment. Nowadays the human rights standards are widely recognised though not always respected. This results from the legal and political practise, in which the scope of the rights of individuals is still being narrowed. One of the reasons are ideological and political changes in particular countries, which are being enforced with the development of civilisation and technology.

Organisation of the Polish State and Society in the Piast Era in the Academic Work of Aleksander Gieysztor and Gerard Labuda

The main theses of the authors concerned the mutual relation between social changes and the formation of state organisation, the militarisation of the Early Piast State (G. Labuda) and the question of the native, pre-foundation beginnings of urban life in Poland. In their research, A. Gieysztor and G. Labuda often used the methods of retrogression and comparison; in addition, G. Labuda appreciated the importance of archaeological findings.