- Author:
Krzysztof Szumski
- Institution:
retired diplomat, expert on Thailand
- Year of publication:
2019
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
119-152
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/ap201906
- PDF:
ap/22/ap2206.pdf
The rivalry between the United States and China in the Southeast Asia in 2017 and 2018.
The rivalry of great powers between the United States and China embraces all regions of East Asia, including Southeast Asia and the South China Sea. The situation changed and became even more dynamic at the beginning of 2017, with the arrival of Donald Trump, the new American President. Donald Trump’s decision to withdraw the United States from the Trans Pacific Partnership had a significant influence on the situation in Southeast Asia and started a trade war with China as well as a race in the field of new technologies. The Trump Administration also introduced a new strategy of “free and open Indo – Pacific” which shared some basic strategic similarities with its predecessor – the Pivot. Washington has labeled China a strategic rival and a military threat. The American activities are strongly supported by Japan. The Japanese prime minister Shinzō Abe considers supporting Trump’s policy of trade war and general confrontation with China is in Japanese national interest. China was surprised by the evolution of American policy and its reaction was rather defensive. The Chinese president Xi Jinping suspects that the US’s real goal is to prevent China from rising or projecting power and influence abroad, especially in Southeast Asia and South China Sea. However China’s leadership has firmly decided to oppose the American administration policy, particularly in the above mentioned region.
The countries of the region of Southeast Asia started to be severely challenged by China but also by the United States and Japan, especially in the South Chinese Sea. The majority of these countries are likely to continue the “hedge” policy.
- Author:
Paula Tomaszewska
- E-mail:
paula.tomaszewska@amu.edu.pl
- Institution:
University of Adam Mickiewicz in Poznań
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0583-0938
- Year of publication:
2022
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
122-136
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/rop2022308
- PDF:
rop/21/rop2108.pdf
The subject of the article is to analyze how Poland reacts to the US-Chinese competition for primacy over 5G technology. The importance of 5G systems has acquired a geopolitical dimension. Poland also feels its technological security dilemma. The acceptance by the Polish authorities of Washington’s position on 5G was undoubtedly an element of the negotiations on increasing the size of the American contingent in Poland. There are indications that decisions on how to treat Huawei in our country will be made on the basis of strong allied ties. At one time Poland seemed to be balancing between US pressure and China, but now it has sided decisively on the American side. The question still remains open: will the Polish state be able to fully open itself to the transatlantic allied relationship to benefit from this cooperation?
- Author:
Albert Chepil
- E-mail:
albert.chepil@student.uj.edu.pl
- Institution:
student - Uniwersytet Jagielloński w Krakowie
- Year of publication:
2024
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
36-44
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/CPLS.2024204
- PDF:
cpls/10/cpls1004.pdf
Russia and China’s rivalry in Central Asia from 2000 to 2024
This article examines the evolving dynamics of influence between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China in Central Asia from 2000 to 2024. Central Asia, rich in natural resources such as gas, oil, uranium, and other minerals, has been a focus of attention for both countries. Initially, Russia maintained significant dominance, particularly in military and cultural spheres, while China expanded its presence mainly in economic and infrastructural domains, especially after launching the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The rivalry between these two powers intensified following the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, which weakened Russia’s overall influence. In contrast, China has strengthened its ties with Central Asian states, bypassing Russian territory for its trade routes to Europe. Using neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism as theoretical frameworks, this article explores the balance of power and cooperation in Central Asia, as well as the role of international organizations such as the SCO, CSTO, and the Eurasian Economic Union. The study concludes that China has significantly expanded its presence in the region, while Russia has seen a decline in influence, although it remains a key player, especially in military and security matters.