At the beginning 2020, the vast majority of countries worldwide were forced to confront and face the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic. The rapid spread of this new disease resulted in radical changes in the basic principles of the functioning and organization of states and entire societies. The novel circumstances which both nation states and the international community are facing induce reflection on the need of redefining the right to privacy. This paper aims to answer, whether the current situation will lead to lasting changes in the way privacy is now perceived in Europe and what threats may be associated with the possible changes.

Is Polish Constitution adjusted to the times of crisis? Selected problems and de lege ferenda propositions

The subject of this article is the question whether the Constitution of the Republic of Poland of 1997 provides sufficient guarantees for the continuity of government and cooperation of public authorities in the event of sudden threats such as war, rebellion, natural disaster or terrorist attack. The analysis shows that the Constitution of the Republic of Poland is prepared for standard emergency situations, but does not contain procedures in the event of the worst-case scenarios: necessity of state of emergency during electoral campaign; failure to gather a minimum quorum of 230 deputies for the needs of a session of the parliament; the death of top politicians in the state.

Konstytucja Rzeczypospolitej Polskiej z 2 kwietnia 1997 r. stworzyła możliwość wprowadzenia trzech odmiennych stanów nadzwyczajnych w sytuacji szczególnych zagrożeń. Specjalne przepisy dotyczące stanów nadzwyczajnych zostały określone w trzech odrębnych ustawach, które zostały przyjęte w 2002 r. W latach 2005–2019 w Polsce wystąpiły liczne zdarzenia, które media określały jako klęski żywiołowe. Pomimo że regulacje ustawowe obowiązują od 2002 r. (Dz.U. 2002 nr 62 poz. 558), w Trzeciej Rzeczypospolitej nigdy nie wprowadzono stanu nadzwyczajnego. Posłowie w ramach swojej aktywności parlamentarnej kierowali na przestrzeni V, VI, VII i VIII kadencji zapytania i interpelacje w tej sprawie. Analiza aktywności poselskich związanych ze stanem klęski żywiołowej może być pomocna przy próbie identyfikacji sposobu postrzegania tego stanu nadzwyczajnego przez polityków, a to z kolei pozwoli ustalić przyczyny nieposługiwania się tym instrumentem prawnym przez rządzących.

Regulation of emergency states in the Republic of Estonia and the COVID-19 pandemic

There are two types of emergency states distinguished by the Constitution of the Republic of Estonia: state of emergency and state of war. They have been sparsely regulated at the level of the Constitution, leaving detailed issues to statutory regulation. The decision in this regard requires the cooperation of parliament with the authorities of executive power, i.e. the president and the government. The threat to the health and lives of citizens posed by a coronavirus pandemic is not a circumstance justifying the imposition of a state of emergency, let alone a state of war as stipulated in §§128–129 of the Constitution. Thus, the Estonian authorities in March 2020 decided to apply the mechanism of §87 section 8 of the Constitution.

The constitutional right to security with regards to initiation of the state of emergency on the border of the Republic of Poland and the Republic of Belarus

The article has been prepared to present the constitutional approach to the security problem with regards to the initiation of the state of emergency on the border of the Republic of Poland and the Republic of Belarus. The publication indicates the relationship between security regulations and constitutional regulations, makes a preliminary analysis of actions taken by the Republic of Belarus, and also indicates a cause-and-effect relationship in the context of regulating the introduction of a state of emergency in a situation of a special security threat.

The reaction of the Polish government to the COVID-19 pandemic was the undertaking of numerous actions, which resulted in restrictions in running a business activity. The made decisions gave rise to controversies due to the scale of restrictions despite failure to implement any of the constitutional states of emergency. The article presents an analysis of the scale of restrictions set during the first wave of the pandemic, and an attempt was made to compare their scope with solutions envisioned for the state of emergency.

This paper presents the senatus consultum ultimum, i.e., the final resolution of the senate passed in moments of extraordinary danger to the Roman Republic. We answer the question what was the legitimacy of such resolutions and indicate their rationale and the effects of their issuance. Senatus consultum ultimum was the most powerful weapon of the Roman senate in the fight against internal political enemies in the late republic, so it needs to be clarified whether the SCU was a legitimate measure to protect the state or it cared only for the political self-determination of the senate and the optimates.

This article aims to answer the question about the legality of the selected measures implemented by the Polish government during the first wave of the coronavirus pandemic, which resulted in constitutional rights and freedom restrictions. The study focuses on examining selected restrictions implemented in the spring of 2020 in the light of the Polish Constitution, especially in the light of Article 31 (3), which defines the premises of limitation of citizens’ rights and freedoms. It indicates the lack of legal basis and incompatibility with constitutional premises of many restrictions. The study further examines the premises of the introduction of the state of emergency, indicating that the government's decision not to impose such a state was legal and why. The study considers legal status from March 13 to May 16, 2020.

Constitutional Duty to Protect Polish Borders in the Light of the Crisis on the Border with Belarus

The duty of each state established by internal law is to protect its borders. The Constitution of the Republic of Poland, referring to the need to ensure the integrity of the territory and the security and inviolability of its borders, gives this duty priority. The crisis on the Polish-Belarusian border poses a serious threat to both the Baltic countries and the European Union. The methods and means used to end it are primarily intended to ensure border security, which is a particularly difficult task given the hybrid nature of the actions carried out by Belarus. The possibility of response and reaction of Polish services is limited by the need to respect human rights, international law regulations and democratic rules, which the Republic of Belarus does not feel bound by. The use of the state of emergency made it possible to focus efforts on combating the crisis, but the question arises how the situation will develop after it is lifted.

Ograniczenia podstawowych praw i wolności podczas pandemii na Słowacji

Artykuł analizuje braki w regulacji prawnej ochrony zdrowia publicznego ujawnione w kryzysie wywołanym pandemią COVID-19. Działania antypandemiczne podejmowane w kontekście ochrony życia i zdrowia nie spełniały wymagań jakościowych stawianych legislacji pozwalającej na proporcjonalne ograniczanie podstawowych praw i wolności. Wyznaczanie granic podstawowych praw i wolności zastrzeżonych dla ustawodawcy zostało niedopuszczalnie pozostawione pozaprawnemu stanowieniu prawa.

State of Emergency in the Italian Republic During the Covid-19 Pandemic – Constitutional Aspects

The Covid-19 pandemic forced European Union member states to introduce modern European standards regarding human rights and the rule of law in an unprecedented crisis. In 2020 Italy was the first affected country in Europe. Italian authorities, forced to take new and more stringent measures to contain the virus’s expansion, have introduced a state of emergency that may last until 2022. From a constitutional law perspective, the coronavirus emphasizes the need to consider the Italian “emergency constitution”. The ongoing health crisis gives rise to some reflections on the lack of an articulated crisis framework in the Italian constitution and whether existing tools are adequate to face of contemporary threats. This article discusses the Italian Constitution and other laws in the country relating to the state of emergency during the Covid-19 pandemic.

The author analyzes the threats to state security and citizens that have arisen in recent years in Poland from the point of view of regulating the prerequisites for a state of emergency, trying to answer the question whether they justify the need to change the existing constitutional solutions. The general conclusion, which arises from these considerations, is that the constitution in this area does not require urgent amendment, while changes to the legislation are desirable.