The article points out that:

1) The Polish-Mongolian and Mongolian-Polish contacts devloped rapidly after the World War II as a consequence of the international cooperation of the socialist states.

2) Science and education were particularly important factors.

3) Poles significantly contributed to the cultural and civilization transformation of Mongolia, including the spheres of construction, industry, and agriculture.

4) Memories of the Polish-Tatar contacts still remain in the collective consciousness of Poles; the negative image of a community which destroys the cultural achievements of conquered peoples has formed.

5) The contemporary knowledge about Mongolia and Polish-Mongolian relations is largely shrouded with a mist of myths and stereotypes.

One of the basic instruments in the implementation of an anti-Polish nation policy was an unprecedented on such a scale forced displacement of population. In the case of Moscow, it was a reference to the tsarist policy of mixing the peoples of the empire. It has been systematically implemented since the days of Tsar Ivan the Terrible (1530–1584), and under Joseph Stalin’s rule, it has grown into the official ethnicity policy of the Soviet state. The extermination policy of the Soviet Union was aimed at full unification of the looted territories with the rest of the Soviet empire. It was realized through physical liquidation of Polish intelligentsia, officials of Polish state administration, police and army. Already on September 18th, right after the invasion of Poland, several thousand Poles were shot by Soviet soldiers and military police; without a trial. Forced deportations, public executions, mass murders and concentration camps are a common feature of both murderous systems: Nazism and Stalinism. Except for the gas chambers, all methods of destroying humans were already earlier applied in the East (since November 1917), and later in Nazi Germany (since January 1933). The only difference was that from June 22, 1941, Stalin was counting on emergence of a territorially unspecified Polish state, which Hitler had never planned. Poland as the only member of the Allied side in World War II was shifted territorial (and reduced by 100 thousand sq. Km compared to August 31, 1939) and forced to exchange population, and became a satellite of the Soviet Union for 45-year – all at the request of Moscow.

The existing borders have very often lost their meaning and do not fulfil the functions assigned to them for many centuries. Today, especially in Europe, many borders are “dematerialized” and exist mostly in the memory and consciousness of people. Contemporary academic youth is in a special situation – they participate in the rapidly changing sociocultural world and, at the same time, experience some phenomena that have never been present on such a large scale. The reflection upon the young, learning generation of Czechs, Poles and Slovaks is associated with an attempt to find answers to many questions, among which those regarding plans for the future and the sense of life satisfaction seem to be of great significance. What I have recognized as important is finding out if the young plan their future during their studies and/or work abroad and how they assess their sense of life satisfaction, taking into account two aspects – their family life and financial situation.

The article is devoted to assessing consumers’ behaviors, particularly in terms of stockpiling, after the coronavirus outbreak, as well as their impact on the security of Poles. Firstly, the paper reviews the literature. Then the research methodology was presented, with particular emphasis on the research methodology used, indication of the encountered limitations of the research, as well as characteristics of the respondents. General recommendations on stockpiles are then presented. These recommendations have been juxtaposed with those of the Polish government in this area. Then the author presented the results of the empirical research conducted using the survey technique. The results of the research were divided into four categories, which describe: the frequency of purchases, the quantity of products purchased, purchases of new products, and the reasons for stockpiling. Based on the above elements, a discussion was held, and recommendations were developed as a result.

The text deals with the question of the influence of international exchange programmes on reducing ethnic prejudices in their participants. Apart from a brief introduction into the issue of reducing prejudice, it comprises 392 free responses of Czech respondents, predominantly students, who have filled out an online survey as part of the project Intergroup Attitudes and Intergroup Contact in Central Europe. The participants gave accounts of their real contacts with Polish people, oftentimes within the framework of international exchange programmes, Erasmus in particular. Based on the comparison of the results of the qualitative analysis of the statements with the conditions of successful reduction of prejudices, one can suggest that international exchange programmes should have a positive influence on reducing negative ethnic stereotypes and prejudices among their participants.

The full-scale war in Ukraine caused the largest refugee crisis in Europe after World War II. Poland was the initial destination for people fleeing the war, causing a rapid influx of several million refugees in just a few weeks. An unprecedented and rapid response of the Polish society in terms of providing assistance to refugees enabled the acceptance of those who decided to stay in Poland Social action that began at the local level and translated into commonly known non-governmental assistance provided the basis and impetus for fostering beneficial connections between Poland and Ukraine, not only on the state level, but especially within the respective populations. The purpose of the article was to explore the forms of assistance offered by the Polish society, the scope of aspects of the refugees’ lives it addressed, and how this was reflected in the mutual perception of Poles and Ukrainians. As a hypothesis, it was assumed that a direct involvement of the Polish society in helping refugees from Ukraine decreased over the course of a year of the full-blown war in Ukraine, with simultaneous high social support for the state’s systemic solutions in this regard. In order to verify the hypothesis, a combination of descriptive, analysis of existing data, comparative and statistical methods were employed.

Warsaw Ghetto Uprising of 1943. Disputes Over the Attitude of Poles toward Jews

One of Hitler’s important goals, as stated in “Mein Kampf”, was the destruction of the Jews. He began implementing this plan with the outbreak of World War II. In the occupied Polish territories and as his conquests in subsequent European countries progressed, he ordered first the concentration of Jews in ghettos and their annihilation through progressive starvation, and from the spring of 1942 through their mass annihilation in special extermination camps. Those in Warsaw, Poland – they constituted some 3 million – in 1943 made a desperate attempt, with no real chance of success to resist, the Warsaw Ghetto Uprising. This resulted in the destruction by arson of some 50,000 Jews who remained there. This event and its aftermath provoke passionate disputes as to whether Poles provided, and to what extent, assistance to the murdered Jews. This sketch will show the disputes, and within the Poles, waged on the 80th anniversary of these events related to this. This is the aftermath of contemporary Polish “historical politics”.

Socio-economic and political activity of Poles in Volhynia, Podolia and Kiev region in 1864–1914. Introduction to the issues

This study revolves around selected aspects of the activity of the Polish community in the Kiev, Podolia and Volyn governorates in 1864–1914. Questions have been asked about the activities nature, scope, directions and conditions, as well as the numbers and social background of the Poles involved in work for the benefit of the country. The extent of Polish socio-economic and political work in Russia at the time largely depended on the policy of the Tsarist authorities towards the local Poles. The efforts made were indicative of their real aspirations and served not only to save Polish property, but also to maintain the national awareness of the Polish community in Russia. After the October Manifesto was proclaimed, the efforts resulted in a number of cultural, educational and publishing initiatives, coupled with the establishment of organisations and associations, and the pursuit of political activity. Interestingly, they were a consequence of the sometimes isolated efforts for the benefit of the country before 1905. After the First Russian Revolution, on the other hand, they evolved into an arena for Ukrainian Poles to express their aspirations. Their elites sought, among other things, to restore their due position in the social hierarchy based on their status and economic power.