Eurasian Late Antiquity or the Silk Roads? Political, Cultural, and Economic Conceptual Constructs in the Study of Oriental History and Culture

In contemporary historiography, there is a growing interest in interactions between nomadic peoples and the empires of sedentary peoples in antiquity, with particular emphasis on late antiquity. Differences in the perception of nomadic communities’ impact on the economy cause a conceptual confusion. It is largely due to differences in the perception of the influence that nomadic communities had in shaping the functioning of trade routes leading from one part of Eurasia to another. This article organises and indicates the origin of concepts, such as the Silk Road, the cultural complex of central Eurasia, the first story, and Eurasian Late Antiquity from specific researchers. At the same time, the author compares and presents perceiving trade routes and the influence of nomads on sedentary peoples in two opposing concepts: a metanarrative of the nomad history as the main catalyst for the continent’s economic development and presenting the history of the Silk Road and nomads as part of the multi-vector interaction of various communities in Eurasia during the late antiquity, at the same time indicating a certain advantage of the latter.

This article is a theoretical consideration of the New Silk Road (NSR) project in an attempt to reconcile the classical geopolitical concepts of continental power by Halford J. Mackinder and Nicolas Spykman and maritime power by Alfred T. Mahan. Indeed, in geopolitical terms, the project is another attempt in history to create a land-sea power as a counterweight to a hegemony based strictly on maritime dominance. It should be emphasised that the project, in addition to the geopolitical dimension, has a subsidiary political- propaganda and economic dimension. The former encompasses a broad spectrum of activities that use psychosocial and political foreign policy tools and that aim to rally states that could potentially join the NJS project. The economic dimension is a contribution to the further expansion of China’s power on the one hand and an opportunity to deepen political ties with these countries on the other. These three approaches and the relationship between them are analysed in depth within a framework of China’s endeavour to establish a continental and maritime power.

Military Cooperation of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China

Since the 1990s, China and Russia have been increasingly strengthening their military cooperation. It includes selling Russian weapons to China and working on joint arms projects, joint exercises, and recently also joint air and sea patrols in the North Pacific. Even the Russian attack on Ukraine did not break the military ties connecting the two countries. One may even get the impression that this event gave a new impulse to tighten military relations, at least in their political dimension, between China and Russia. This rapprochement can be explained by the fact that both countries are strongly involved in building a new, multipolar international order and strive to weaken the international position of the US. In this context, there is even talk of a military alliance between China and Russia.

Christianity in China

This paper is devoted mainly to the fate of the Christianisation of China over the centuries. It discusses the history of religion in individual dynasties, its development over the following years, attempts to convert the Chinese population by missionaries from various orders – Dominicans and Jesuits, memorable martyrs at the turn of 19th and 21st centuries – the division of Christianity, and the short fate of non-Christian religions in China.

Chinese Private Security Companies Facing the Challenges and Threats of the Global Security Services Market

The phenomenon of security privatization has undeniably become global in nature. One of the most characteristic manifestations of this process is the emergence of an increasing number of private security companies (PSCs). Their client portfolios include international organizations, states, corporations, and private individuals. The business model of these entities took shape in the last decade of the 20th century, where they are typically private companies independent of government. Thanks to private capital, they offer a diverse range of both military and non-military security services. A notable development in the well-established PSC market is the emergence of Chinese companies providing such services. However, their modus operandi—similar to that of Russian companies—differs significantly from established market standards. This article seeks to explore the specific characteristics of private security companies established in the People’s Republic of China (PRC), the factors shaping the regulatory frameworks governing these entities, and their preparedness for addressing challenges and threats arising from dynamic changes in the international system. The research utilizes a systems analysis approach, as the global PSC market now plays a crucial role in maintaining order in international relations. Additionally, an institutional-legal method is employed to examine Chinese regulatory solutions in the security sector, particularly the issue of access to firearms. The authors primarily relied on foreign literature, with domestic sources playing a secondary role in their research.

Russia and China’s rivalry in Central Asia from 2000 to 2024

This article examines the evolving dynamics of influence between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China in Central Asia from 2000 to 2024. Central Asia, rich in natural resources such as gas, oil, uranium, and other minerals, has been a focus of attention for both countries. Initially, Russia maintained significant dominance, particularly in military and cultural spheres, while China expanded its presence mainly in economic and infrastructural domains, especially after launching the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The rivalry between these two powers intensified following the 2022 Russian invasion of Ukraine, which weakened Russia’s overall influence. In contrast, China has strengthened its ties with Central Asian states, bypassing Russian territory for its trade routes to Europe. Using neorealism and neoliberal institutionalism as theoretical frameworks, this article explores the balance of power and cooperation in Central Asia, as well as the role of international organizations such as the SCO, CSTO, and the Eurasian Economic Union. The study concludes that China has significantly expanded its presence in the region, while Russia has seen a decline in influence, although it remains a key player, especially in military and security matters.

The main assumption of the article is to demonstrate that Latin America, while underrated in the discussion on the international order, has had a significant impact on its functioning. Upon the emergence of a new global balance of power, the region must redefine its international position, which it does primarily by pragmatic alignment with the dynamic international reality and searching for new channels of global insertion. This way, it seeks to minimize the threat posed by the growing rivalry of superpowers and to possibly maximize the resulting potential profits. The article relies on the assumption that Latin America’s activity in the face of the formation of the global order is driven primarily by the overarching goal of the foreign policy of the countries of the region, which is to ensure their autonomy. At the same time, Latin America, rooted both in the Western world and identifying with the Global South, sought to turn its unfortunate perception as a peripheral area into an advantage of sorts, offering concepts such as Active Non-Alignment, going far beyond the passive acceptance of international reality.

The Evolution of Japanese Engagement in Africa from 1973 to 1993 

This article discusses the evolution of Japanese engagement on the African continent between 1973 and 1993. It highlights the primary causes of the change in Japan’s approach to Africa and examines the actions and decisions taken by the Tokyo government. Japan’s official development assistance to the African continent remains an important aspect. The article highlights the United States’ role and its administration’s approach toward China in the early 1970s. This, along with the first Oil Shock in 1973, significantly influenced Japan’s perception of its own foreign policy. Japanese initiatives aimed at increasing engagement on the African continent are also discussed by the author. The shift in Japan’s perception of African countries, from indifference to verbal lobbying on the international stage, will play a crucial role. The United Nations is a significant player in this regard. Japan’s foreign policy towards the African continent is most effectively guided by the creation of the Tokyo International Conference on African Development in 1993, which is the article’s conclusion.

This paper looks at how China’s use of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in its policy towards Central Asia (CA) has changed since 2013 and what this change signalizes regarding China’s use of the BRI at international forums. To answer these research questions, the paper focuses on Central Asia – once dubbed “the first strand of the BRI” (R. Pantucci); the region where China has “tested” many institutions of its international engagement; and where the BRI was introduced in 2013. To answer the research questions, this study draws from analyzing literature and sources in Russian, Chinese, English, and Polish. This study is primarily empirically oriented. This study finds that at its 10, the BRI will focus on connectivity, clean energy, and new technologies. It also finds that despite the high profile of the Green BRI and many relevant agreements, only a fraction of projects are branded “Green BRI.” It thus argues that the BRI has served as a legitimizing “umbrella” label for various Chinese policy initiatives, which are realized via other cooperation formats.

In quest of strategic autonomy. The development of Turkish-Sino relations

The article aims to analyse the evolving TurkishSino partnership against the backdrop of growing tensions between Turkey and its traditional Western allies. Turkey seeks to diversify its international engagement due to the changing dynamics in the global system, including the relative decline of the West and the domestic dynamics in Turkey, marked by an increasing trend towards de-democratization. As a consequence, Turkey is actively searching for new international partners. To achieve its geopolitical ambitions and pursue a more independent foreign policy, Turkey is looking to strengthen its ties with non-Western countries, including China, with a primary focus on economic collaboration. The article raises the important question of whether closer ties with China are a viable alternative to long-standing structural links with the West. While this relationship showcases the unique foreign policy characteristics of countries with hybrid international identities, its potential as a substitute to ties with the West is questionable.