This publication is part of the doctoral thesis, written in German with the title: Die Energiepolitik der Russischen Föderation im Zeitraum 2000–2009 und derem Auswirkungen für die energetische Sicherheit der EU (The Russian energy Policy 2000–2009 and its impact on the European energy security). The article presents how the Russian Federation is using its energy resources to achieve their current and future foreign policy goals. The author makes an attempt to explain a numer of fundamental issues relating on the one hand to the main motives of the Russian Federation in this field and on the other to its methods. He also analyses the Russian energy strategy and its negative impact on the energy security of the European Union. As important elements of this strategy the ”Gas-OPEC” as well as the direct and indirect investments of Gazprom in EU are mentioned. It is claimed that the implementation of pipeline projects by the Russian Federation (Nord-Stream and South-Stream) isn’t carried out at the bilateral relations level randomly – Nord-Stream (Russia-Germany), South-Stream (Russia-Italy) – but rather is seen as an opportunity to strengthen Russia’s relations with selected countries. This can be seen as an attempt to make the European Union weaker as a multilateral organization.

The paper addresses problems related to energy policies pursued by Central European countries. It identifies the amounts of energy resources in individual countries in the Visegrád Group as well as the transmission infrastructures they use for natural gas and crude oil. The author discusses projects aimed at diversifying energy supplies which are of key importance to V4 countries. The article also presents relations between those countries in both within the group and bilaterally. When outlining prospects of a V4 energy strategy, the account is taken of such vital aspects as relations with the Russian Federation and the contribution made by Visegrád countries to EU actions designed to develop a single energy market.

Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie zarysu relacji pomiędzy rządem Tanzanii a działającymi tam korporacjami wydobywczymi, w szczególności w sektorze gazu naturalnego. Ramy teoretyczne artykułu osadzone są w krytycznej międzynarodowej ekonomii politycznej i sprowadzają się do współkonstrukcji uwarunkowań gospodarczych i politycznych w procesach negocjacyjnych, przy jednoczesnej akceptacji tezy, iż Tanzania jest obszarem peryferyjnym w międzynarodowym podziale pracy, a koncerny wydobywcze nie mają na celu zmiany jej pozycji. Po zaprezentowaniu charakterystyki tanzańskich złóż gazu omówione zostały wybrane elementy tanzańskiego reżimu politycznego, które zdaniem autorów plamają kluczowe znaczenie dla zrozumienia wagi górnictwa gazowego dla administracji prezydenta Magufuliego. Następnie omówione zostały czynniki warunkujące procesy negocjacyjne pomiędzy rządem tanzańskim a koncernami wydobywczymi.

This article deals with the importance of natural gas as an energy source in Polish energy policy. Its purpose is to analyze the extent to which natural gas can provide for ensuring state energy security. This article covers issues related to the diagnosis of the gas sector in Poland (the most important economic entities, the functioning of the gas market), its role in the national energy strategy and prospects for future gas use. The article points out that natural gas, although important for maintaining and securing state energy security, is, however, not crucial in this regard. Multiannual strategies envisage diversification of the way of generating energy, which means the opportunity for renewable energy sources (RES) and nuclear energy. Natural gas has a secondary meaning in this context.

Poland, as one of the European countries experiencing the most significant economic growth in recent years, permanently relies on coal power. There are plenty of reasons behind this condition, however, wanting to become one of the European leaders Poland ought to diversify its energy sources and lower the share of those harmful to the natural environment. Some changes have already been implemented, nevertheless the Polish government is mostly reluctant to diminish the role of coal mines. Moreover, the current actions taken to diversify sources of natural gas imports are dependent on Polish foreign policy and international alliances. The author analyzes changes in the Polish energy security strategy in recent years and compares them with provisions established during COP24. The article analyzes the Polish energy market with the share of individual sources and examines the possibility to increase the share of those alternative to coal in the near future.

Objectives and assumptions of the policy of the Russian Federation towards Belarus in the area of oil and gas

The aim of the article is to analyze the energy policy of the Russian Federation towards Belarus in 2015–2021. The article focuses on the issues of bilateral relations in the sphere of crude oil and natural gas. Russia uses energy tools towards Belarus in order to force it to deepen its political, economic and military integration. Russia also undertook the task of regulating the principles of further energy cooperation with Belarus.

Georgia, deprived of its own hydrocarbon resources, relies exclusively on the import. It has abstained from purchasing those from the Russian Federation for political reasons, which, combined with the lack of LNG terminal infrastructure, has led to the factual monopolization of crude oil and natural gas supplies from Azerbaijan. For geopolitical reasons, Georgia remains the only export route for Azerbaijan for these resources. Easy access to those resources due to its position as a transit state has an impact on the tempo of energy transformation in Georgia. On the one hand, the significantly lower than expected dynamics of the development of renewable energy sources, and on the other hand, the growing role of Azerbaijani national companies in the market of liquid fuels and natural gas in Georgia, are visible consequences of the emergent status quo.

Economic relations between the European Union and Iran versus sanctions and energy security

The article provides an analysis economical and political relationship between Islamic Republic of Iran and European Union and its members countries, particularly Greece, Italy and Spain in the context of politics of energy safety. Prior to the adoption of heavy economic sanctions the EU led a double track politics towards Iran: “carrot and stick method”. The main thesis is that sanction on Iran hurts more this country then EU but in some cases: Greece, Italy, Spain could have problems with new energy partners. Iran before sanctions was one of the main European suppliers of oil and natural gas but not for all EU, only for few countries. There are lists of main exporters and importers Iranians oil and natural gas in EU and the world. Additionally a list of EU sanctions on Iran has been attached. Additionally article presents roots of piece of Middle Eastern enemy history relationships between Great Britain, USA and Iran.