Roman Dmowski’s journey to Japan after the outbreak of the Russo-Japanese War is a well-known episode in the modern history of Poland. As far as we know, Dmowski, after his arrival in Japan, wrote two memorandum in English (one is about political and social relations in Russia and the another is about the political situation in Poland) for the Japanese General Staff, and in the name of the Japanese government wrote an appeal to Polish soldiers in the Russian army to leave it and surrender. In a street in Tokyo Dmowski by chance met Józef Piłsudski, a member of the Polish Socialist Party and Dmowski’s political opponent, who was also visiting Japan, seeking for military aid from the Japanese government. Three days later they had their famous „nineteen hours’ talk” at the hotel. After it Dmowski sent a memorandum to Baron Jutarō Komura, Japanese Minister of Foreign Affairs, in which he expounded how harmful it would be for the war strategy of Japan if an insurrection breaks out in Poland. Besides these activities, we should pay due attention to the effect of Dmowski’s stay in Japan on his view of nation or society. Dmowski’s nine weeks stay in Japan (from 15 May to 22 July, 1904) was only in a part of the first stage of the war which broke out in February 1904 and ended in June 1905. Despite this fact, it should be emphasized that Dmowski’s knowledge about Japanese people was so much richer than we suppose. This paper presents some interesting episodes with a special Focus on the conversation with General Gentarō Kodama and his experience of his visits to Japanese prisoner-of-war camps in Matsuyama, where he interviewed Polish soldiers. Dmowski was strongly impressed by the behavior and way of thinking of Japanese people and stated later that it influenced his views immensely, among others his view on society and the nation. The effect of his experience in Japan mostly ap pears in his work „Essentials of Polish Politics” which was published in „The All- Polish Review” in May 1905 and was added as supplementary chapters to the third edition of „Thoughts of a Modern Pole” (1907). In this important article the father of modern Polish nationalism could clarify his views on „national instinct” and „national ethics”.

The East Asian region has never been among the priority directions of Polish foreign policy – only a few percent of Polish diplomatic engagement was focused on the entire Asian continent. In turn, this small percentage of Polish commitment was divided among all countries in the region. Nonetheless, it is worth noting, that in the examined period (2003–2017), a several very important bilateral agreements were concluded – including agreements that Japan decided to make only with a narrow group of countries.
In the following paper I decided to analyze the last 14 years of bilateral relations between Poland and Japan. The article uses both language sources (Polish and Japanese), as well as a statistical data.
At the end of the paper will be shown, that even though relations are developing in the right direction, it should be considered whether the pace of their development will not prevent them from intensification.

Strategic partnerships are nowadays one of the tools most willingly applied in foreign policy. The subject of the presented analysis is the institutionalization process of a strategic partnership understood as the functioning of certain norms and rules in a given relationship (expressed in the founding documents of partnerships) and the regularization of joint bodies and meeting formats. The aim of the article is a comparative analysis of institutional solutions applied in the European Union’s strategic partnerships with its established partners: the United States, Japan, and Canada. The results show that it is possible to identify a pattern of institutionalization process used by the European Union in its relations with strategic partners; they also reveal how great importance contemporary players in the international arena attach to institutionalization processes in their mutual relations.

COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF FACTIONS IN THE LIBERAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY AND GROUPS INSIDE THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY OF JAPAN AFTER ALTERNATION OF POWER IN 2009

The article examines the changes in factional system of the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) after electoral victory in 2009. During opposition period, DPJ factions were believed to be much less significant groups than their counterparts in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). Nevertheless, after the DPJ assumed power, its intra-party groups, to a certain degree, started functioning as LDP factions. Over the years, their ideological leanings weakened and instead of realizing distinctive political vision, they started focusing on pragmatic struggle for power in the party. In 2009 – 2012 period, the competition between intra-party mainstreams and anti-mainstreams increased, challenging the unity of the DPJ. The significance of factional divisions was also clearly visible in the distribution of governmental portfolios by succeeding prime ministers. Although DPJ factions were still not as powerful as LDP factions, they played a much greater role than before in maintaining intra-party balance and structuring intra-party competition.

Suicidal prevention in Poland and Japan. Analysis on the example campaign “Look… I disappearing”, “Sleep Campaign” - “Dad, how did you sleep?”

Japan appears as a distant, modern and highly developed country, as compared to Poland is an economic power. These countries divide ten thousand kilometers, the Land of the Rising Sun is the only place in the world where you can interact with unique culture and modern technology. However, despite the many differences associated with the functioning of both countries, they share many common components, for example those that relate to health care. The suicide problem occurs both in Japan and Poland. There is no single cause of suicide, which is why prevention, protection of the health and lives of citizens is so important. The article includes preventive programs and social campaigns on the example of each state. Social campaign of the Foundation “Zobacz… Jestem”-“Look.. I disappearing” and Campaign Otōsan, genkidesuka? (お父さん、元気ですか) called Sleep Campaing – “Dad, how did you sleep?”, which is implemented in Japan.

The aim of this article is to analyze political objectives and repercussions of the dissolutions of the House of Representatives by Prime Ministers Koizumi Jun’ichirō in 2005 and Abe Shinzō in 2014. In both cases dissolutions took place less than two years after the previous elections. The paper argues that the strengthened power of the heads of government after electoral and administrative reforms facilitated them to take advantage of Diet dissolution to overcome opposition by veto players. By appealing to the public Koizumi planned to privatize the Japan Post and Abe intended to postpone the consumption tax hike. In both cases the prime ministers used early elections to enhance their position in the ruling party. As a result, Koizumi managed to overcome pressure from postal employees and Abe gained leverage over Ministry of Finance (MOF) bureaucrats.

The article is focused on four problems in Japanese-Chinese relations in two first decades of the 21st century. These problems were not solved by the last three decades of the 20th century. They are following: the dispute about Senkaku (Diaoyu) Islands, the matter of the textbooks, the visits in the Yasukuni Shrine, the problem of Japanese- -Taiwanese relations. The author carries out the short analysis of their evolution and meaning for the present Japanese-Chinese relations.

Above All, Honor. Reasons Behind the Specific Perception of War Prisoners in Japanese Culture – A Comparison with Western Societies

Cultural differences between Western and Eastern civilizations are noticeable in the system of professed values and in many aspects of life. This also applies to the approach to captives, which was clearly demonstrated by the events of the first years after the end of World War II. An example could be the way in which former Japanese and German soldiers, who were captured after the end of the war, were treated after their return to homeland. This article aims to show the sources of these differences and, to a lesser extent, examples of behaviors which they caused. The analysis consists of references to historical, economic, social, religious, and psychological conditions, which, as intertwined, resulted in the emergence of different perceptions of an individual’s role in a society and his obligations toward the community. These conditions determined the specific attitudes of representatives of each culture in difficult war and post-war circumstances. Explaining the Japanese soldiers’ willingness to sacrifice and the importance of honor for them, reference was made to the influences of Confucianism, Buddhism, Shinto, and the bushido tradition. Showing the deeply rooted reasons for the attitudes described in the article was therefore supposed to enable their explanation.

Due to strong connections with the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) and the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ), the agricultural lobby constituted a considerable obstacle in liberalization of trade by Japan. Nevertheless, in the last years, its influence on governmental policy has been waning. Referring to the theory of two-level games, the article analyzes the discourse on accession to the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) Agreement to examine the weakening dependence of Japanese politicians on support from the Central Union of Agricultural Cooperatives. It is argued that the Japanese government managed to sign both the TPP Agreement in 2016 and its successor, the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership in 2018, thanks to the institutional strength and negotiation strategy of the Abe administration.

The aim of this paper is to present Japanese comics (manga) and cartoons (anime) with sexual content called hentai. I briefly review some history of Japanese art and culture, in which sexuality has always been a legitimate subject for art and which forms the cultural underpinnings of manga. I summarize the erotic themes and visions of manga with sexual content, including female and male homosexuality (yuri, yaoi), heterosexuality (ecchi, bakunyū/kyonyuu), BDSM (kinbari), transvestitism (futanari), children (lolicon, shotakon). In conclusion, I pose the question of the need to adopt the right perspective to understand the often surprising manifestations of Japanese sexuality.

Land Operations at Port Artur at the End of July 1904 During the Japanese- Russian War in “Goniec Poranny” and “Goniec Wieczorny”

The paper discusses ground troops’ actions during the Russo-Japanese War’s siege of Port Arthur, as shown in “Goniec Poranny” [Morning Messenger] and “Goniec Wieczorny” [Evening Messenger]. First, the author presents the conflict’s background and the aspects he will discuss. Then, he presents what could be learned from the newspaper about Japanese assaults taking place in July 1904. The author highlights disinformation present in the newspaper, especially concerning the battle course. Following that, the author describes casualties of both sides of the conflict – noting that these are not in line with what historians found out, often being times higher than in reality, although there are some exceptions on the Russian side. Following that, the author discusses civilian escape attempts during the siege – a matter not present in the literature. Due to the inclusion of this section, the reader can take a look at the battle from a different perspective. In the article’s final part, the author summarises opinions of the people of conflicted sides. They often presented themselves as superior, not considering the actual strength of the armies. For example, a Japanese professor mentions prohibitive demands of the Russian side in the plan of a peace treaty. In reality, even after multiple lost battles and defeats of tzar Nikolai II, the demands were never considered. In the conclusion, the author presents how reliable was the information from the Messenger, compared to the subject literature.

This paper focuses on relations between Japan and the two Koreas, the Republic of Korea and the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. Relations between Japan and the two Koreas can be simultaneously examined in three related contexts: the history of the national entities which is still subject to divergent interpretations, the post-Cold War East Asian security environment, and international relations (IR) theory, particularly the contrasts between neorealism, neoliberalism and neoclassical realism. In addition to traditional relations, the Japanese occupation of Korea (1910–1945) still serves as a relevant area of sensitivity between all three nations. The post-Cold War East Asian security environment is a complex mixture of vestiges of the Cold War and new regional paradigms and shifts of power, particularly against the backdrop of competing big-power interests converging on the region. Both the relations between these three nations and as well as the regional concerns of other state-actors have often been focused in recent years by North Korea’s developing nuclear weapons and missile technologies. Japanese-Korean relations present a contentious subject for IR scholars to debate the respective merits of various theoretical approaches. It is the opinion of the author that on balance, at least for the time being, neoclassical realism is a better lens through which to view these relations.

Determinants of short-lived governments in Japan: the example of Prime Minister Suga Yoshihide

Japan is one of the countries with the most frequently changing heads of government in the world. The aim of this article is to examine both the structural and individual causes of this situation by using the example of the short term in office of Prime Minister Suga Yoshihide from 2020 to 2021. While such factors as strong ministerial sectionalism in the government, factionalism in the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP), high frequency of parliamentary and ruling party presidential elections, as well as consensual political culture made it difficult for prime ministers to remain in office for a longer period of time, the electoral and administrative reforms of the 1990s facilitated the heads of government to stabilize the government’s social and party base of support. Nevertheless, the usage of the new institutional instruments to remain in power depended on the prime minister’s ability to create his/her positive image among voters. This article analyzes why Prime Minister Suga, despite leading a stable ruling coalition in both houses of the parliament and having extensive experience in decision-making process, was unable to maintain the government’s initially high popularity and resigned only one year after having formed his cabinet.

To the Brighter Side. New Tendencies in Erecting Statues of Bodhisattva Jizō in Japanese Buddhist Temples

Japan is a predominantly atheistic country, however, Buddhism is still keeping its influence on society. Firstly, funerals are mostly performed according to the Buddhist ritual. Secondly, several times a year the majority of Japanese families visit their relatives’s graves in cemeteries, belonging to Buddhist temples. As a result, Buddhism is associated first of all with death and funeral. Buddhist priests try to make the image of Buddhism brighter in many ways. In this article, we will look at one of these ways – erecting statues that depict simultaneously the beloved bodhisattva Jizo, the priests themselves, visitors and the dead relatives.

Reflections on the statehood of Ryukyu of modern times

In this article, I argue against the widely accepted view among Japanese historians that the Ryukyu Kingdom of early modern times belonged to the Japanese bakuhan system while retaining its status as a foreign country. Placing Ryukyu within the bakuhan framework corresponds with the deterministic narrative of history that justifies Japan’s annexation of Ryukyu on one side, and Okinawan people’s choice of Japanese identity on the other. The claim of “foreign country inside the bakuhan system” is difficult to defend in light of theories of state that emphasize the importance of the interaction between society and state institutions. Ryukyu, as a separate social entity, had no influence on the shape of the bakuhan system and, conversely, the bakuhan system did not shape the Ryukyuan society.

The Role of (Post)memory and Film in the South Korean National Narrative and its Impact on Relations with Japan

There seems to be a barrier in relations between Japan and South Korea that, despite shared interests and values, is an obstacle to building a lasting reconciliation. Political solutions that are supposed to be permanent and unchangeable (such as the agreement on comfort women) are being undermined. The idea of unresolved historical disputes and the lack of sufficient apologies has been ingrained in South Korea, which influences the perception of Japan as a dishonest partner. Subsequently, the brutality of authoritarian rule and the restriction of civil rights became associated with the legacy of the colonial period. Although political elites on both sides agree on the need to build future- oriented relationships, these efforts encounter internal resistance. Analysis of the role played by the collective memory of the colonial period allows us to notice antagonisms that lead to the reification of reality in which lasting reconciliation without solving historical disputes is impossible. Using the film, a post-memory with a strongly emotional tone is constructed, reinforcing anti-Japanese resentments. The analysis of the development of film narratives about the colonial period serves to capture changes in the national discourse and leads to conclusions regarding the impact not only on relations with Japan, but also on the connection between the anti-colonial discourse and the criticism of authoritarian power. The rhetorical vision presented in the films has been so deeply rooted in the national narrative that changing it seems extremely difficult - which is why it constantly threatens the building of lasting reconciliation with Japan.

Many scholars have researched Japan’s historical issues, connected to politics and education. Nevertheless, they mostly studied one issue from one perspective, such as international law or human rights. As a part of ongoing doctoral thesis research, this paper aims to discern if and how the historical issues and the Japanese government’s stance on those issues changed between 1982 and 2022 and interacted with each other. By comparing official statements with textbook contents on historical issues, the connection between them can bring a fuller understanding of Japan’s historical policy as a system. This paper hypothesises that history politics indirectly influences education policies and textbook writing. At this stage of research, it can be concluded that there are numerous historical issues recognised as such by Japan, but recognition has been an effect of other actors’ claims. Various actors have made those claims at opportune times, using history as a tool. Nonetheless, policy and statements by politicians and overall discernible history politics, such as counterclaims on particular issues, seem to have at least some correlation with the contents of textbooks. Further research into those connections may better understand Japan’s history politics as a system and how they influence history education.

Communication in Japanese collectivist culture – selected concepts

Japan is one of the most ethnically homogeneous countries in the world. Although there is an indigenous minority Ainu ethnic group from Hokkaido Prefecture and indigeneous inhabitants of the Riukiu (Okinawa) archipelago, the Japanese communally share the core values that form the core of their sense of cultural and national identity. Hall and Hofstede’s concepts provide a reference point for the present reflections on specific aspects of the Japanese cultural code, encompassing the sociological and psychological concepts of uchi-soto, honne-tatemae, and wa. Awareness of the role the Japanese attribute to social harmony helps sensitise the unique communicative culture of the Japanese and, under certain circumstances, to break down cultural barriers. Internalising this attitude can help a non- Japanese demonstrate proper social etiquette and maintain communicative harmony. My own experience of experiencing cultural difference in Japan from the perspective of a woman, a European, and a Polish researcher, provided a direct impetus to analyse the underlying cultural concepts that underlie Japanese communicative culture, as well as the perception of the dichotomy of Self versus the Other.

Japanese religious syncretism

Syncretism is a conceptual model that signifies the alliance, amalgamation, or combination of the assumptions of different religious, philosophical and cultural systems that are objects of interest in cultural, religious and social studies. Nevertheless, less attention has been paid to this process as an educational phenomenon. The purpose of this article is to provide an overview of the issues related to Japanese religious syncretism. It comprises the presentation of the main religious currents and spiritual traditions present in contemporary Japanese culture, as well as the idiosyncrasies associated with their peculiarities that carry the potential for informal cross-cultural education. This translates into some peculiar features of the cultural identity of the Japanese with their eclectic and inclusive qualities. In contrast to the negative connotations associated with syncretism in the context of the European cultural milieu and Christian dynamics, Japanese syncretism in this regard has positive connotations because it implies reconciliation between religious traditions and communities that would otherwise be considered as competing with each other. Insights into the nature of religious syncretism in contemporary Japan as a process of heterogeneous fusion of faiths and beliefs (and the resulting traditions, rituals and symbols) present in the public space and sacred architecture, and identified in cultural discourse, will specify the capital for cross-cultural learning and cross-religious tolerance.

Evolution of Russian(Soviet)-Japanese relations from 1699 to 1941

Russian(Soviet)-Japanese contacts have a tradition of over 300 years. The author focuses in the article on a brief exemplification and analysis of unofficial Russian-Japanese contacts since the 18th century and their official relations until the signing of the Treaty of Neutrality between the Soviet Union and Japan in April 1941. In total, four parts of the article are devoted to the analysis, apart from the introduction and conclusion. The first part of the article covers the period of unofficial relations between the two countries, which was characterized by two contradictory tendencies. Russia is pursuing territorial expansion towards the Pacific Ocean, while Japan maintains a policy of voluntary closure to the outside world. The second part deals with the official relationship between them from the Treaty of Shimoda to the Russo-Japanese War of 1904–1905. During this period, both countries are guided by a policy of territorial expansion, which led to a war between them. The third part is related to the period from the signing of the Portsmouth Peace Treaty in 1905 to the fall of the Romanov dynasty in 1917. This was the only period of mutual friendship between Russia and Japan. The last part was the years from the February and October Revolutions in Russia to the conclusion of the neutrality pact in April 1941. At that time, one of the external interventions against Soviet Russia was Japan. However, after the Japanese troops were driven out of Soviet territory in the Far East, the two countries establish official diplomatic relations. In the 1930s, mutual relations deteriorated, and in the complicated international situation that existed at the time, Moscow and Tokyo signed the Neutrality Pact in April 1941. At the end of the article, several conclusions were formulated.