The published document called The report of Kraków’s department of the National Land Bank in 1935 comes from the Archive of New Files in Warsaw, National Land Bank group, catalogue number 28. In the general part there are entries concerning the situation of agriculture in Kraków’s province in 1935. In the second part there is information on the subject of credit activity of Kraków’s National Land Bank department concerning short-term, medium-term and long-term credit, as well as issue credit. The published document can be helpful for the research dedicated to the history of the economics in Kraków’s province during interwar period. Information included in this document are especially valuable for the people dealing with banking and the history of agriculture.

Ten years after. Ukrainian political life in Lviv in 1928.

During the mid-war period Lviv was a leading centre of Ukrainian cultural and political life in Polish state. Despite the unfavourable political situation Ukrainian elites tried to create mythologized image of the city as a ”heart and brain” of West Ukraine. In 1928 the opportunities for such actions were, among others, parliamentary elections in March, and - in November - 1st anniversary of the outbreak of the Ukrainian-Polish war.

Polish-Jewish relations in Lviv 1918 – 1919 (selected issues).

During World War I Lviv became a field of struggle between Poles and Ukrainians for the possession of the city. During the conflict Jews declared to be neutral. Nevertheless, when the Polish army took over the city, anti-Jewish riots started. Jews were, mainly falsely, believed to support Ukrainians. The pogrom lasted for two days (Nov 22 – 23 1918) and had a strong negative effect on the Polish-Jewish relations. Another important issue was the question of equality for Jews. Most of the Jewish political parties in Lviv understood and supported the demand. Poles, for various reasons, could not agree to grant Jews with a national-cultural autonomy. For the public opinion in Poland, the Jewish struggle for equality was only another example of their hostility towards the Polish state.

Parliament and parliamentarism in building and transforming Czechoslovak statehood

The study focuses on the importance of the Parliament’s involvement in construction of the Czechoslovak state. With the exception of the German occupation, as the legislature of the Czechoslovak Republic, the National Assembly played an important role in affecting its republican and democratic character. The article discusses two of the most important stages of the formation of the Czechoslovak statehood. First is the Interwar period when the Czechoslovak statehood demonstrated features typical of parliamentary democracy with assumed parliamentary power, followed by the 1960s when the common state of the Czechs and Slovaks developed on a federal level.

Sister Maria Józef Franciszka – Irena née Jezierska Tyszkiewicz (May 22, 1887 – April 23, 1964).

Article devoted to the countess Irena Tyszkiewicz (1887–1964) – founder and creator of the Library of Religious Knowledge in Warsaw – private library functioned in the outbuilding of the palace belonging to her family at 6 Litewska Street in Warsaw. She collected about 20 thousand books, including 3 thousand books for children. The library were used also as a place for discussion meetings by the most important Catholic intellectuals of the interwar period in Poland. Library was opened between 1919 and 1939 and later operated underground until 1944, when was destroyed by the Germans. After the Second War library was renovated in 1956 also by Irena Tyszkiewicz (then she was already sister Maria Józef Franciszka in the Congregation of the Franciscan Sisters Servants of the Cross) and began operating as the Primate’s Library of Religious Knowledge. This library, still operating in the Monastery belonging to the Congregation of the Franciscan Sisters Servants of the Cross at 9/11 Piwna Street in Warsaw, has become a model for other religious libraries created in many cities in Poland. In the years 1919–1939, Irena Tyszkiewicz was also involved in the activities of the Society for the Care of the Blind founded by Mother Elżbieta Czacka and other related institutions. Among others, she was a co-founder of a bookshop and the „Verbum” Publishing House. In this article to trace her life archival materials collected in the archives of the Franciscan Sisters Servants of the Cross (AFSK), Father Władysław Korniłowicz (AWK) and Mother Elżbieta Czacka (AMCz) were used.

Alfred Wielopolski was belonged to a close group of people involved in creation of the beginnings scientific and cultural life in Western Pomerania. In Szczecin, with which the final connected his life after World War II, he was known above all as a devoted lecturer, inquisitive archivist, selfless social worker and activist of most scientific societies and institutions. An interesting information is that, he performed a number of important state functions in during the interwar period – such as holding the deputy chief of Wieluń, managing the Civil Secretariat of the President of the Republic of Poland or acting as the director of the Senate Office. Because of his birth, he was belonged to the strict elite of the landed gentry. In addition to diaries, from this period of his activity remained family correspondence located in the team of the Myszkow ordination of the State Archives in Kielce. It is a very valuable and interesting addition to the above memories. Reading epistolary allows us to see, what worries accompanied the young aristocrat during his studies, studies, military service and work. The materials describe happy and sad moments, they do not hide youthful weaknesses to alcohol or tobacco. They also describe love, often complicated in these difficult Times. In most cases, young Alfred shared his insights with his father, asking him for tips and advice. Description of military service and work in the state administration apparatus allows the reader to see the image, that has gone forever. This article is an attempt to quote the main content of letters interested in this period.

The Slovak question played a key role in the foreign policy implemented by the Second Republic of Poland during the interwar period. Representatives from the most important currents of the Polish interwar political scene highlighted the significance of the relations between Warsaw and Bratislava, as evidenced by the presence of this issue in the programmatic documents, journalism, memoires and speeches of particular politicians. Slovakia was the object of interest among many socialists, nationalists, Christian-Democratic politicians, conservatives, and peasants. Also, the leading activists of the Piłsudski’s Camp, who from the very beginning had a clear yet not always precise vision of Polish diplomatic measures in this respect, largely dealt with the Slovak question. It should be emphasized that the distinctive feature of Piłsudski’s political thought during the interwar period was broadly construed mid-European consolidation. The aim of the article was the analysis of the foreign policy of the Piłsudski’s Camp towards the Slovak question between 1918 and 1939, with special focus on the conditions of Polish-Slovak relationship, the mutual attitude of the Polish authorities and Slovak autonomists towards each other, the role of Slovaks in Polish integration projects as well as the relations between the Second Republic of Poland and the Slovak in the years 1938–1939.

Territorial self-government as a pillar of the democratic state – reflections on the idea of local self-government in the light of the self-governing traditions of the Second Republic of Poland

Territorial self-government has been widely analyzed in Polish literature of the interwar period. At that time, its three theories were formulated: naturalistic, state and political. The first one contrasted the self-government with the state, stressing that municipality is historically older than the latter and, as a result, independent; it is the state that derives its powers from the municipality, and not conversely. The second theory advanced a thesis that state power is exercised by state authorities, including through local communities with a separate legal status. Self-governance was thus to be expressed in the idea of decentralizing public authority. Although it identified self-government with state administration, the third theory demanded that self-governmental powers be exercised by independent officials, regarding their independence as a guarantee of effective exercise of the powers attributed to self-government. Investigations made at that time into the essence, nature, and form of self-government remained valid until the present day, determining democratic values as the basis for territorial self-government’s status in the current Constitution of Poland.

The main purpose of this article is to attempt to show the collective biography of Polish women parliamentarians of the interwar period through an insight into their emotions and feelings, to show the “emotional communities” presented by Barbara Rosenwein. In this text I will focus on the main problems of the political activity of Polish women parliamentarians in the interwar period. Source materials produced by women, mainly ego-documents and public documents created by them, will be used to develop this topic. The study will analyze the individual experiences of women parliamentarians. Their emotions, opinions and reflections on parliamentary work will be taken into account. The paper will also discuss selected biographical aspects of the women parliamentarians, such as their age, education and political views, which undoubtedly had an impact on their opinions and emotions. Polish women parliamentarians of that time had to struggle with many problems. Reluctance to place women on candidate lists was a common occurrence. Moreover, women had to meet numerous social expectations. First of all, they were required to be mothers and wives who were responsible for family life, that is, the private sphere. Furthermore, women were seen more as social activists than as politicians. At the same time, men considered women’s issues less important, which was evident in parliamentary discussions. The main research questions were: How did women perceive their own political activity? political activity? What problems did politically active women face?

Victor Cădere (born 1891) was a Romanian lawyer, civil servant, diplomat and politician. He participated as an officer in the war with Bulgaria (1913) and in the I-st World War (1916–1918). Then he was at the peace conference in Paris as part of the Romanian delegation. In the years 1919–1921 he was dealing with the repatriation of Romanians from the USA and Russia. After returning to the country, in 1925, he began an academic career, which he continued with interruptions until his death in France in 1981. At that time, he was an activist of the peasant party and a member of the Chamber of Deputies. In the years 1930–1932 he held high official positions in the Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of the Interior. In 1932, he began his career as a diplomat. His first post was Warsaw, where he was to watch over the matters of the Romanian-Polish alliance securing both countries against the threat from the USSR. Before he actually took office, however, he became the Romanian negotiator on the non-aggression pact with the Soviet Union, but risked Nicolae Titulescu – an influential diplomat and politician who opposed them and soon became Cădere’s superior, i.e. the minister of foreign affairs. After settling in Warsaw, the new MP tried to work for the development of the alliance. However, he encountered obstacles on the part of Titulescu, who wanted to loosen his ties with the Republic of Poland and bring him closer to Moscow. This affected the fate of Cădere, who was dismissed in July 1935. His diplomatic career slowed down. He took up another post – in Belgrade – only after the fall of Titulescu in 1936, then he was a member of parliament in Lisbon (1941–1944). From 1945 to 1967 he stayed in Romania. In the years 1952- 1956 he was imprisoned by the communist authorities. In 1967 he remained in exile in France.

The presence of the Second Republic of Poland in Polish feature film, shaping the awareness and memory of that period (sketch of the problem)

The article presents the presence of the interwar period as an epoch in Polish films and series created both during the communist period and after 1989. Both those films for which the social and political events of the Second Polish Republic were the main theme, as well as those in which the interwar reality was only a background that added color or was only mentioned, were indicated. The first part of the article focuses largely on theoretical considerations. Then, the socio-political situation in the following decades was analyzed in parallel, as well as the binding guidelines of state bodies regarding the official narrative of the interwar period in the Polish People’s Republic. While formulating the conclusions, the author drew attention to aspects related to the interwar period, which, in her opinion, are lacking in contemporary Polish cinema.

Some features of economic development of village in the Eastern Galicia in 20–30 years of the 20th century

The article deals with the agrarian policy of the Polish government of the interwar period, which was intended to reform the agricultural system to increase productivity of agricultural production, the development of commodity-money relations and the activation of cooperative movement. The governmental policy has led to the formation of a land market, creating conditions for the origin of independent farms of different types and sizes, which were based on a private property of land. The main component of the agricultural policy of the government was colonization, which was intended to strengthen the eastern borders of the Second Polish Republic by creating economies of the colonists. They have become a social and political support for the government on the “Eastern lands.” This state policy influenced hostilely on millions of the local Ukrainian population. In despite the understanding of a significant number of Polish politicians and scientists such activities harm to the interests of the state, during the interwar period colonization of the land remained the main direction of agricultural policy. The Polish government has openly ignored the problems of the Ukrainian village, which led to a tangle of economic, national and social troubles that impacted on the Polish-Ukrainian aggravation of interethnic relations.

Romania and the alliance with Poland 1918–1921. The article presents Romania’s stance on the alliance with Poland in 1918–1921. Bucharest’s interest in concluding such an agreement resulted mainly from the assessment of the Soviet threat to Romania.