The author analyses the dynamics of the Polish party system in the light of the outcomes of the parliamentary elections in the Third Republic of Poland (since 1989). He exposes especially the last element of that evolution – the 2015 parliamentary election. It resulted in the victory of Law and Justice (PiS) party. For the first time in the history of democratic Poland, the victor was able to create a government without having to negotiate with coalition partners. The success of PiS seems to be a result of the combination of several factors. It would be mistaken to portray an emerging situation as a simple rightist win. PiS to some extent represents a social attitude, typical for the socialist (social-democratic) parties, with some part of the program including a populist message, but with the combination of a conservative approach to several issues and nationalistic stand on a perception of patriotic mood. The important meaning has a support of PiS by the Catholic Church, especially at the grass-roots level. The victory of PiS and forming of the majority government have an important meaning for the functioning of the political parties’ system in Poland. For the first time since 1989, there were not balancing of power situation which the coalition governments have brought about. The political parties, creating the opposition in parliament, must offer a new strategy of behaviour in such circumstances, especially dealing with challenging the PiS policy to compromise a democratic system based on the 1997 Constitution, e.g. division of power, position of the Constitutional Tribunal and functioning of the judiciary

Author analyzed the programs of all Czech political parties which have their representatives in the Chamber of Deputies in the parliamentary term 2013–2017, assuming that political programs are a reflection of the public discourse, and of the public eye. Security is one of the most important categories in the programs of Czech political parties, in some literally the most important, however, this importance is determined through quantitative, not qualitative, perspective. Diagnosis and solutions are similar in all cases, what allows to conclude that security is not a factor differentiating the Czech political scene. 

The author undertakes to discuss the problem of rivalry strategies of political parties in elections to the Citizens’ Assembly of the Free and Hanseatic City of Hamburg. The broadness and multidimensional character of the subject area requires moving beyond the limits of political science and entering other related domains, like broadly-conceived historical sciences, also reaching for a number of establishments within legal-historical domains. Firmly grounded historical, legal, polity-related and political aspects of the unification of Germany in the context of German federalism, encouraged and obligated the author, to attempt to bring the above problem up to date. I think that thanks to a broader analysis of elections to the Hamburg Citizens’ Assembly over the last 50 years, the real state of the problem area can acquire a fuller context, with an emphasis on the foundations of local government functioning. To prepare this paper I made use of Polish and German sources published by Polish, American and German researchers. Polish and German literature off ered a valuable source to become acquainted with the history and the foreseeable future of Hamburg’s local government, in particular – the assumptions behind territorial and functional reforms, the evolution of which we have been able to follow in the Federal Republic of Germany since the 1970s. The main source of the presented conclusions and facts are data obtained from Statistisches Amt Für Hamburg und Schlezwig-Holstein (the Statistical Office in Hamburg). Among the Polish reference sources the most useful proved to be the book edited by Konstanty Adam Wojtaszczyk and Marta Jarosińska, under the title Kraje Związkowe Republiki Federalnej Niemiec (The Federal States of the Federal Republic of Germany).

Last decades of the past century, as well as the current one, may be characterized by the increase of political role of the movements that are called “the protest parties.” Scholars, journalists and politicians put a lot of attention to that phenomenon. However, it is focused just on selected elements of the problem. Beginning from the 1980s European public opinion may observe the rise and development of groups of ecologists. The unexpected electoral success of the new type of party is called “the New Populism.” Back in the 1990s it caused many concerns, opinions and discussions on the issue whether such parties are harmful for modern and stabilized western European democracies. At the turn of the century the political scene has been dominated by new forms of activity, which are the anti-globalization and alternative globalization movements.

In 2008, a very interesting and modern work published by the Institute of Public Affairs, could be noticed, entitled Subwencje z budżetu państwa dla partii politycznych. Jawność i kontrola [Subsidies for Political Parties from the State’s Budget: Transparency and Control]. As the editor of the book, Jarosław Zbieranek, states in the introduction, the ISP [the Institute of Public Affairs] has been initiating research for years, as well as organising academic sessions, whose core is an analysis of the Polish solutions as to the fi nancing of political parties passed by an amendment of the political parties act of 12 April 2001. Resultingly, the reviewed work constitutes an outcome of these activities. It is a conclusion from the research project Transparentność fi nansów partii politycznych [Transparency of Finances of Political Parties] of 2008, whose members devoted their research predominantly to the evaluation of two, considerable from the point of view of proper and clear functioning of democracy, issues, namely the case of transparency of the parties’ use of fi nancial means from the state’s budget, as well as the control of their expenditure.

The aim of the article is to analyze the activities of the social movements, as an important part of current political events. Author is of the opinion that social movements are crucial political tool, which is used by political parties. They allows politicians to ensure a political recruitment, drum up political support and create new political elites within the party. The main questions that need to be indicated are: if social movements are tools used by political parties in order to enhance an influcence on legitimacy of their activities, if social movement are a part of a process of political socialization for their activists, if social movements have an influence on abilities and experience of the group to conduct political activity?

Celem artykułu jest określenie znaczenia wyborów prezydenckich i parlamentarnych 2015 r. dla procesu ewolucji polskiego systemu partyjnego. Autor weryfikuje trzy hipotezy – pierwszą, według której wybory nie przyniosły zmian w strukturze systemu partyjnego, drugą – wybory zapoczątkowały nowy etap w tym procesie – i trzecią, wskazującą, że wybory przyniosły nowe zjawiska w procesie ewolucji, które w przypadku potwierdzenia się i ugruntowania w przyszłości mogą wprowadzić system partyjny w nowy etap. Autor stwierdza, że trzecia hipoteza w prawidłowy sposób określa znaczenie elekcji 2015 r. Analiza bazuje na metodologii nauk o polityce i prowadzona jest zarówno w wymiarze ilościowym, jak i jakościowym.

Artykuł ten w oparciu o opinie marszałków województw rekonstruuje rolę aktorów regionalnych i centralnych przy podejmowaniu decyzji dotyczących tworzenia koalicji regionalnych w okresie od I do V kadencji. W warstwie teoretycznej analiza odwołuje się do perspektywy rządzenia wielopoziomowego, natomiast szczególnie istotna przy opisie wzorów tworzenia koalicji regionalnych od III do V kadencji jest koncepcja koalicji przystających (congruent coalitions). W związku z trwałością utrzymywania się w regionach koalicji PO-PSL zadane zostało pytanie o korzyści istnienia na tym poziomie podobnych koalicji jak w centrum. Dwie pierwsze kadencje znacząco odbiegały od trendów utrzymujących się od chwili wyborów w 2006 r. W tym czasie politycy regionalni często podejmowali kluczowe decyzje i dopiero rozpoczynało się tworzenie systemu wielopoziomowego.

EEC/EU membership has been one of the thorniest issues in British politics over the last 45 years. The 1975 referendum confirmed the UK’s will to stay in the EEC, but it failed to put to rest the argument over Europe. The 2016 referendum took Britain into the opposite direction, but it also reinstated the issue of the EU to the prime slot in British politics, where it is going to stay for the many years needed to settle the new relationship with the EU. The main drivers behind both referenda were the power struggle between the main parties and the gradual entrenchment of Euroscepticism as the dominating standpoint in British right-wing politics. The substantive concerns with EEC/ EU membership were merely a backdrop to the partisan battles leading to both referenda, but the crucial differentiating factor in 2016 was the Conservative perception of the threat posed by UKIP. The Eurozone crisis and austerity policies at home added to the potent mix of disillusion among the voters, who became receptive to promises of return to past glories of the UK freed from the shackles of Brussels.

The aim of the article was to present the electoral strategy of the Freedom Union and The Democratic Party demokraci.pl. Strategies that were used during the parliamentary and the government elections were analyzed. In the first case a way of expressing major purposes that both the UW and the PD wanted to achieve by gaining parliamentary representation was discussed. In the second case the way of conducting self-government campaign, which was carried out usin slightly different electoral strategies was discussed. It involved the possibility of joining electoral coalition and gaining seats in local provinces, districts councils, municipal councils and offices of mayors and presidents of cities. The thing that was characteristic of the UW and the PD in the electoral strategies was inefficiency in terms of activities.

The concept of representative parliamentary mandate in  Polish tradition and in contemporary Polish constitutional law

The purpose of this paper is to address the concept of a representative parliamentary mandate in Polish tradition and in contemporary Polish constitutional law. The paper touches upon the concept of the representative mandate in the Polish constitutionalism in a comprehensive and cross-cutting manner, with regard to both former constitutional rules and the current Constitution. The considerations are based on an analysis of the normative regulations and basic doctrinal approaches. Emphasis has been also placed on the historical context of a representative mandate and on conclusions flowing from comparing the two basic models of a parliamentary mandate. The author enriches his views with references to the everyday political practice, which has a significant influence on the real perception of the notion of a representative mandate.

The main aim of the article is to try to analyze the functioning of Victor Orbán’s regime in Hungary in the period from 2010. Analyses oscillate between considering issues such as the development of democracy in Hungary after 1990, history and background of functioning of the Fidesz party, and the course of Orbán’s exercise of power. In the paper, the reasons behind the taking of power by Fidesz party were analyzed by taking into account the specifics of Hungarian democratic experience after 1989, processes of state’s reforms and economic crises. The article ends with the analysis of five pillars of Victor Orbán’s policies.

Jednym z podstawowych procesów w systemach parlamentarano-gabinetowych jest formowanie koalicji gabinetowej. Jego badania leżą w centrum zainteresowania politologii, a ich dalszy rozwój – tworzenie nowych teorii, zastosowanie nowych narzędzi badawczych – bezpośrednio wpływa na dynamikę rozwoju całej dziedziny nauki. W niniejszym artykule zaprezentowano metodologiczno-teoretyczne zagadnienia związane z użyciem nowej perspektywy badawczej w analizie wskazanego obszaru rzeczywistości politycznej. Autorzy wykazali zgodność założeń perspektywy sieciowej z istniejącą tradycją badań nad koalicjami gabinetowymi, podkreślając równocześnie jej konstytutywne cechy, świadczące o oryginalności proponowanego podejścia. Przedstawiono zarówno szanse, jak i trudności związane z wykorzystaniem perspektywy sieciowej, co w konsekwencji pozwoliło odpowiedzieć na pytanie dotyczące zasadności jej zastosowania w badaniach nad procesem formowania koalicji gabinetowej.

The main aim of the article is to try to analyze the functioning of Victor Orbán’s regime in Hungary in the period from 2010. Analyses oscillate between considering issues such as the development of democracy in Hungary after 1990, history and background of functioning of the Fidesz party, and the course of Orbán’s exercise of power. In the paper, the reasons behind the taking of power by Fidesz party were analyzed by taking into account the specifics of Hungarian democratic experience after 1989, processes of state’s reforms and economic crises. The article ends with the analysis of five pillars of Victor Orban’s policies.

This article analyzes the constitutionalization process of political parties in Poland and the evolution of party system in the years 1918–2018. It is an analysis of political parties in Poland that draws on political science methods and legal studies methodology. We use a concept by Heinrich Triepel, who constructed a four-phases model of relations between parties and the state. The phases are: the abatement of parties (Stadium der Bekämpfung), the ignoring of parties (Stadium der Ignorierung), acknowledgement and legalization (Periode der Anerkenung und Legalisierung) and constitutional incorporation (Ära der verfassungβmasigen Inkorporation). Upon regaining its independence in 1918, Poland entered the third phase. It was not until 1989 that Poland entered the phase of constitutionalization of parties. The methods we employ are historical analysis, document research and comparative analysis. In the article we discuss the evolution of Polish party system and divide it into periods: first spanning from 1918 till 1939, second starting in 1944 and ending in 1989, the last one beginning in 1990. We conclude that the party system in Poland after 1989 underwent a long process of changes. It moved from a system of extreme party fragmentation to a system of imperfect bipartisan competition. What is more, the process of stabilization of electoral law and the institutionalization of political parties contributed greatly to the consolidation of the Polish party system.

ARE THE POLISH PARTIES DEMOCRATIC?

The article analyzes the application of democratic principles in the structures of polish political parties such as: Platforma Obywatelska (Civic Platform), Prawo i Sprawiedliwość (Law and Justice), Twój Ruch (Your Movement), Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej (Democratic Left Alliance), Polskie Stronnictwo Ludowe (Polish People’s Party), Prawica Rzeczypospolitej (Right Wing of the Republic), Polska Partia Pracy (Polish Labour Party), Partia Zieloni (Greens), Solidarna Polska (Solidary Poland).
The author of the article discusses the issues of leadership competition, creation of informal groups in the party elections, members disciplining, and leaders forcing environmental risks arising from the principles of internal democracy. The author stated that the parties should be left free to shape structures while legally protect the democratic principles of choice and the relationship between the authorities and the equality of rights of members of the party.

THE POLITICS OF ELECTORAL SYSTEMS IN THE ELECTIONS OF COMMUNE COUNCILS

In this article, I will focus on the evolution of the systems of elections to the commune councils in Poland. Between 1990 – 2014, seven elections to the commune councils were organized in Poland, conducted on the basis of four different voting systems. The most important alterations in the ordinations between 1990 and 2011 included: changing the category of entities qualifying for majority election system, modification of the dimension of the constituencies, changing the mode of distribution of seats, introducing electoral threshold, diminishing the number of councilors, implementing the procedure of “grouping list”. Analysis of changes in the electoral regulations leads to the conclusion that the elections to municipal councils have been politicized.

FACEBOOK AND POLITICS. THE USE OF SOCIAL NETWORKS BY POLISH POLITICAL PARTIES

The paper presents results of the research project that explored the mode in which Polish political parties use their Facebook profiles. The findings of the analysis prove that interactive and multimedia aspect of social networking is employed only in a limited degree. Party profiles are not used as a platform of the information on party activity distribution. Even basic contact data is not available on each of analyzed profiles. Moreover, as was expected, there is no clear association between the technical sophistication of the specific party profile and the position of the party on political market. Parties which are leaders of the ICT (Information and Communication Technologies) use are not dominating in terms of both possessed resources and the role played in parliamentary politics.

Implementation of the quota system in the context of women’s places on electoral lists. Elections to the Regional Council of the West Pomeranian Voivodeship

The article discusses the problem of implementing a quota system in placing gender representatives on electoral lists in local government elections. The research covers elections to the Regional Council (Sejmik) of the West Pomeranian Voivodeship in years 2010, 2014 and 2018. The following research questions were posed: Was the number of women on the lists of individual committees greater than the statutory requirements? What places did women take on these lists? Which places on the lists allowed women to win tickets? The research focus concerns electoral committees that participated in the distribution of seats. After the introduction of quotas, the number of women on electoral lists has increased. The percentage of women on the lists was higher than the assumed amount. The representation of women was delivered in accordance with the requirements of the ordinance, but no attempt was made to provide such representation within particular places. The percentage of women taking the first places on the lists was actually smaller than the accepted amount. The increase in number and proportion of women present on electoral lists has not contributed to the increase of representation of women in the Regional Council. In the elections using the quota system, the number of elected women has been lower than expected.

One of the scientifically interesting questions is explaining the functioning and effectiveness of the minority government. An analysis of Polish governments (1989–2007) finds mixed support for the importance of parliamentary procedural mechanisms. Yet an analysis of the Polish government after the collapse of communism reveals that a governing party with a central position in the party system can indeed shift alliances and maintain quite effective governance. Additionally, the evidence indicates that minority governments may also rely on alliances across parliament deputies who want prolong the term of office as long as possible. The article concentrates also on duration and legislative effectiveness of Polish minority cabinets.