- Author:
Milena Ingelevič-Citak
- E-mail:
milena.ingelevic-citak@uj.edu.pl
- Institution:
Jagiellonian University
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2585-4814
- Published online:
30 December 2021
- Final submission:
5 December 2021
- Printed issue:
2022
- Source:
Show
- Page no:
23
- Pages:
7-29
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202206
- PDF:
ppsy/51/ppsy202206_1.pdf
In July 2021, Russia submitted its first inter-state complaint against Ukraine to the European Court of Human Rights. It was an unexpected and intriguing step of the Russian government, especially since many of the presented allegations are linked to the events that initiated the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. Referring to the hostilities that began in 2014, the international community was, in principle, unanimous in assessing who the aggressor was. The focus of this research is the strategy of the Russian Federation in its recently initiated legal battle before the Strasbourg Court. This paper presents an attempt to outline the possible motives for taking such a step. Moscow's position on this case is particularly puzzling, as some of the allegations concern the Crimean Peninsula, widely recognized under international law as territory occupied by Russia. In spite of that, doubt arises about the strategic objectives of the Russian authorities in the conflict with Ukraine; the question is whether the actions taken by Russia fall within the scope of its previous strategy or if there has been a new turn in the matter. The first part of this paper outlines the background of the given conflict, the second details Russian policy after the annexation of Crimea, and the third, which is crucial for the formulating of conclusions, presents considerations on Russia's possible motivation and goals in filing a complaint to the European Court Human Rights. The research was conducted mainly based on the merits of the complaint, the statements of the representatives of Russia and Ukraine in the matter, the author's observations, and practitioners' considerations.
- Author:
Lech Wyszczelski
- E-mail:
lech.wyszczelski1942@gmail.com
- Institution:
emerytowany prof. zw. Akademii Obrony Narodowej w Warszawie, prof. Uniwersytetu Przyrodniczo-Humanistycznego w Siedlcach
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2063-4281
- Year of publication:
2023
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
13-25
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/PPUSI.2023.01.01
- PDF:
pomi/8/pomi801.pdf
Moscow and Kiev’s vision of the interpretation of disputes about the past, the continuity of the historical roots of mutual statehood
The attack on the Russian Federation on February 24, 2022, in Ukraine, which was not the result of the functions of a superpower, treated by a member state. In any other device there is a reference to the historical past. This is in fact common in its origins but interpreted differently by both countries for 31 years. Starting from the vision of Russia promoted since the 16th century as the successor to the Byzantine Empire, Putin’s Russian Federation claims the right to create one empire corresponding to all the former lands of the Russian Empire. Not subject to legal protection and Ukrainian nationality. No official war is available to achieve this goal.
- Author:
Małgorzata Grzelak
- E-mail:
malgorzata.grzelak@wat.edu.pl
- Institution:
Wojskowa Akademia Techniczna im. Jarosława Dąbrowskiego
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6296-7098
- Author:
Olimpia Sobczyk
- E-mail:
olimpia.sobczyk@wat.edu.pl
- Institution:
Wojskowa Akademia Techniczna im. Jarosława Dąbrowskiego
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0009-0001-4206-5377
- Year of publication:
2024
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
136-160
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20244108
- PDF:
npw/41/npw4108.pdf
Analysis of the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict on the security of global food supply chains
The Russian-Ukrainian conflict resulted in the transformation of modern logistics networks and supply chains to adapt to the challenges faced. This fact is particularly noticeable in the agricultural sector. Bottlenecks in the flow of raw materials have caused a global food crisis. Therefore, solutions are constantly being sought to minimize the negative effects of war, including: through the organization of solidarity corridors, as well as causing reductions in food prices. The research problem was formulated as a question: How do projects undertaken by the EU to eliminate the negative effects of war in the food supply chain sector affect their security? Additionally, a study was carried out to determine whether the actions undertaken were consistent with the adopted “farm to fork” strategy. The analysis carried out made it possible to identify the effects of the Russian invasion of Ukraine from the perspective of the global food market, along with presenting and assessing the actions taken as a result of the crisis in global food supply chains. The research conducted showed that as a result of disruptions in the functioning of global supply chains, food prices increased by approximately 34% in the first period of the conflict (March 2022). Currently, after introducing, among others, solidarity corridors, their growth is recorded at the level of 6.4%, by increasing the security of the flow of goods.
- Author:
Paweł Taradejna
- Institution:
Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0009-0004-5846-4235
- Year of publication:
2024
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
139-158
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2024.81.07
- PDF:
apsp/81/apsp8107.pdf
Anti-imperial or anti-ukrainian? Media (anti)war discourse of the Polish radical left – based on posts on Facebook platform
The aim of this article is a critical analysis of the anti-war discourse of the Polish radical left organizations based on posts published on their official Facebook profiles. The author outlines the theoretical and methodological background based on the ideas of Teun van Dijk and Ruth Wodak. He draws attention to the characteristic features of the radical left’s anti-war discourse and its internal differentiation. The qualitative analysis of the language used by the Polish Workers’ Party towards the Ukrainian and Russian troops and authorities will show a significant disproportion in its criticism of the actions of the former. The author focuses on the issue of the stigmatizing language used within the discourse conducted by the Polish Workers’ Party.