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Punktacja czasopism naukowych Wydawnictwa Adam Marszałek według wykazu czasopism naukowych i recenzowanych materiałów z konferencji międzynarodowych, ogłoszonego przez Ministra Edukacji i Nauki 17 lipca 2023 r.

Scoring of scientific journals of Wydawnictwo Adam Marszałek according to the list of scientific journals and reviewed materials from international conferences, announced by the Minister of Education and Science on July 17, 2023.


  • Athenaeum. Polskie Studia Politologiczne – 100 pts
  • Edukacja Międzykulturowa – 100 pts
  • Historia Slavorum Occidentis – 100 pts
  • Polish Political Science Yearbook – 100 pts
  • Przegląd Prawa Konstytucyjnego – 100 pts
  • The New Educational Review – 100 pts
  • Art of the Orient – 70 pts
  • Italica Wratislaviensia – 70 pts
  • Nowa Polityka Wschodnia – 70 pts
  • Polish Biographical Studies – 70 pts
  • Azja-Pacyfik - 40 pts
  • Krakowskie Studia Małopolskie – 40 pts
  • Kultura i Edukacja – 40 pts
  • Reality of Politics - 40 pts
  • Studia Orientalne – 40 pts
  • Sztuka Ameryki Łacińskiej – 40 pts
  • Annales Collegii Nobilium Opolienses – 20 pts
  • Cywilizacja i Polityka – 20 pts
  • Defence Science Review - 20 pts
  • Pomiędzy. Polsko-Ukraińskie Studia Interdyscyplinarne – 20 pts
  • African Journal of Economics, Politics and Social Studies - 0 pts
  • Copernicus Political and Legal Studies - 0 pts
  • Copernicus. Czasy Nowożytne i Współczesne - 0 pts
  • Copernicus. De Musica - 0 pts
  • Viae Educationis. Studies of Education and Didactics - 0 pts

Journals

New journals

Co-published journals

Past journals

Coloquia Communia

Coloquia Communia

Paedagogia Christiana

Paedagogia Christiana

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

The Copernicus Journal of Political Studies

The Peculiarity of Man

The Peculiarity of Man

Czasopisma Marszalek.com.pl

Russia Against Ukraine Before the European Court of Human Rights. The Empire Strikes Back?

  • Author: Milena Ingelevič-Citak
  • Institution: Jagiellonian University
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2585-4814
  • Published online: 30 December 2021
  • Final submission: 5 December 2021
  • Printed issue: 2022
  • Source: Show
  • Page no: 23
  • Pages: 7-29
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202206
  • PDF: ppsy/51/ppsy202206_1.pdf

In July 2021, Russia submitted its first inter-state complaint against Ukraine to the European Court of Human Rights. It was an unexpected and intriguing step of the Russian government, especially since many of the presented allegations are linked to the events that initiated the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. Referring to the hostilities that began in 2014, the international community was, in principle, unanimous in assessing who the aggressor was. The focus of this research is the strategy of the Russian Federation in its recently initiated legal battle before the Strasbourg Court. This paper presents an attempt to outline the possible motives for taking such a step. Moscow's position on this case is particularly puzzling, as some of the allegations concern the Crimean Peninsula, widely recognized under international law as territory occupied by Russia. In spite of that, doubt arises about the strategic objectives of the Russian authorities in the conflict with Ukraine; the question is whether the actions taken by Russia fall within the scope of its previous strategy or if there has been a new turn in the matter. The first part of this paper outlines the background of the given conflict, the second details Russian policy after the annexation of Crimea, and the third, which is crucial for the formulating of conclusions, presents considerations on Russia's possible motivation and goals in filing a complaint to the European Court Human Rights. The research was conducted mainly based on the merits of the complaint, the statements of the representatives of Russia and Ukraine in the matter, the author's observations, and practitioners' considerations.

Moskiewska i kijowska wizja interpretacji sporów o przeszłość ciągłości historycznych korzeni wzajemnej państwowości

  • Author: Lech Wyszczelski
  • Institution: emerytowany prof. zw. Akademii Obrony Narodowej w Warszawie, prof. Uniwersytetu Przyrodniczo-Humanistycznego w Siedlcach
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2063-4281
  • Year of publication: 2023
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 13-25
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/PPUSI.2023.01.01
  • PDF: pomi/8/pomi801.pdf

Moscow and Kiev’s vision of the interpretation of disputes about the past, the continuity of the historical roots of mutual statehood

The attack on the Russian Federation on February 24, 2022, in Ukraine, which was not the result of the functions of a superpower, treated by a member state. In any other device there is a reference to the historical past. This is in fact common in its origins but interpreted differently by both countries for 31 years. Starting from the vision of Russia promoted since the 16th century as the successor to the Byzantine Empire, Putin’s Russian Federation claims the right to create one empire corresponding to all the former lands of the Russian Empire. Not subject to legal protection and Ukrainian nationality. No official war is available to achieve this goal.

Analiza wpływu konfliktu rosyjsko-ukraińskiego na bezpieczeństwo globalnych łańcuchów dostaw żywności

  • Author: Małgorzata Grzelak
  • Institution: Wojskowa Akademia Techniczna im. Jarosława Dąbrowskiego
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0001-6296-7098
  • Author: Olimpia Sobczyk
  • Institution: Wojskowa Akademia Techniczna im. Jarosława Dąbrowskiego
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0001-4206-5377
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 136-160
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20244108
  • PDF: npw/41/npw4108.pdf

Analysis of the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict on the security of global food supply chains

The Russian-Ukrainian conflict resulted in the transformation of modern logistics networks and supply chains to adapt to the challenges faced. This fact is particularly noticeable in the agricultural sector. Bottlenecks in the flow of raw materials have caused a global food crisis. Therefore, solutions are constantly being sought to minimize the negative effects of war, including: through the organization of solidarity corridors, as well as causing reductions in food prices. The research problem was formulated as a question: How do projects undertaken by the EU to eliminate the negative effects of war in the food supply chain sector affect their security? Additionally, a study was carried out to determine whether the actions undertaken were consistent with the adopted “farm to fork” strategy. The analysis carried out made it possible to identify the effects of the Russian invasion of Ukraine from the perspective of the global food market, along with presenting and assessing the actions taken as a result of the crisis in global food supply chains. The research conducted showed that as a result of disruptions in the functioning of global supply chains, food prices increased by approximately 34% in the first period of the conflict (March 2022). Currently, after introducing, among others, solidarity corridors, their growth is recorded at the level of 6.4%, by increasing the security of the flow of goods.

Antyimperialny czy antyukraiński? Medialny dyskurs (anty)wojenny polskiej lewicy radykalnej – na podstawie postów na platformie Facebook

  • Author: Paweł Taradejna
  • Institution: Uniwersytet Warmińsko-Mazurski w Olsztynie
  • ORCID: https://orcid.org/0009-0004-5846-4235
  • Year of publication: 2024
  • Source: Show
  • Pages: 139-158
  • DOI Address: https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2024.81.07
  • PDF: apsp/81/apsp8107.pdf

Anti-imperial or anti-ukrainian? Media (anti)war discourse of the Polish radical left – based on posts on Facebook platform

The aim of this article is a critical analysis of the anti-war discourse of the Polish radical left organizations based on posts published on their official Facebook profiles. The author outlines the theoretical and methodological background based on the ideas of Teun van Dijk and Ruth Wodak. He draws attention to the characteristic features of the radical left’s anti-war discourse and its internal differentiation. The qualitative analysis of the language used by the Polish Workers’ Party towards the Ukrainian and Russian troops and authorities will show a significant disproportion in its criticism of the actions of the former. The author focuses on the issue of the stigmatizing language used within the discourse conducted by the Polish Workers’ Party.

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