Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 led to the largest refugee movement in Europe since World War II (Bathke, 2023). It is estimated that around a third of Ukraine’s population has either fled the country or was displaced internally (UNHCR). However, contrary to the other significant humanitarian crisis in Europe, the refugee crisis in 2015, the literature for the current one is still under development (Näre, Abdelhady, Irastorza, 2022). Its implications are massive and yet to fully grasp. Directions of research also differ: whilst for the 2015 crisis, many papers underlined its racialized treatment, the underdoing crisis is particularly explored in relation to the role of the civic society in its management. Taking this into account, we aim to draw a comparison between the reception of the Ukrainian refugees in Poland and Romania, with a particular focus on the role(s) undertook by NGOs to support the activities taken by the state. This is especially important for illustrating the significant – and crucial role of NGOs in providing aid to the victims of this armed conflict.

The system of reception and support of war refugees from Ukraine – a criminological and victimological perspective

The article is an attempt to assess the support system for victims of war in Ukraine from the point of view of the safety of war refugees, mainly women and children. War never affects only the country that is the object of military attack. Barbaric aggression always carries some negative consequences, for neighboring countries (I omit those of the aggressor). The war in Ukraine is one of the most difficult experiences of our society after World War II. First of all, because there is regular fighting across our border, but also because Poland is a frontline country, with all unavoidable consequences (migrations to Poland, creation of a military support zone for the fighting Ukraine, risk of accidental or intentional losses, intensive activities of intelligence services, etc.). War leads to a threat to the livelihood of large masses of people, and this means that individuals become vulnerable to various forms of dependency, enslavement and exploitation. There is historical, theoretical and empirical evidence for this. The article is an account of research conducted in the spring of 2022 among people involved in the functioning of the reception and support system for victims of the war in Ukraine, near the Polish-Ukrainian border. It is clear from the research that this system (built spontaneously, out of a reflex of the heart by the society) was very efficient in meeting the basic needs of women and children, but as a result of the indolence of the state, a somewhat forgotten area became the issue of eliminating the risk of criminal victimization of these people. The research also resulted in a list of gaps and weaknesses in the system of reception and support of war victims, which could have led to such negative consequences. Let’s hope they didn’t (we don’t yet know detailed data on this), but the risk was significant.

The war in Ukraine has significantly amplified the impact of fake news, particularly within the socio-economic environment. This misinformation has the potential to exacerbate tensions, manipulate public opinion, and destabilize societies by exploiting the geopolitical complexities and various interests surrounding the conflict. Economic stability, investor confidence, and consumer behavior are especially vulnerable to the influence of false reports, which can provoke market volatility and economic uncertainty. For example, in the energy sector, Ukraine’s role as a key transit route for Russian natural gas to Europe makes it a prime target for fake news, leading to speculation and price spikes that affect global markets. Misinformation also undermines public trust in economic policies and government actions, potentially polarizing society and obstructing essential reforms. Furthermore, fake news complicates international aid and humanitarian efforts by misrepresenting the crisis and hindering effective responses. Addressing in article this issue demands a multi-faceted strategy, including media literacy programs, regulatory measures, technological solutions, and transparent communication channels to ensure reliable information dissemination. Ultimately, combating fake news is crucial for maintaining stability, fostering trust, and supporting peace and prosperity in the region amidst ongoing conflict.

The fight against disinformation in the European Union, using the example of the war in Ukraine

Disinformation, meaning false information disseminated to mislead or deceive the audience, is gaining prominence in social and political life. This article aims to analyze the Russian disinformation narrative regarding the war in Ukraine and to present the European Union’s response to this false narrative. The study was carried out based on literature on the subject, source documents, and content posted on the EUdisinfo.eu. The analysis shows how dangerous the Russian disinformation narrative is for international relations and how important it is to constantly analyze content published on the Internet and expose irregularities.

The article aims to show the actions the Russian nonsystemic opposition took after the full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. We prove that the Russian opposition has been deeply divided since that time. It includes various leaders and factions who want to play an essential role in post-Putin Russia. It also presents multiple opinions on Russia’s internal and external policies. On the other hand, since the outbreak of war in Ukraine, the Russian opposition has been more visible both in Eastern and Western Europe. The article is divided into two parts. In the first part, we establish the genesis of the current nonsystemic opposition in Russia and its exile. We also present the most well-known oppositionists in the Russian political scene. In the second part, we analyze the meetings and conferences of the Russian opposition in exile from March 2022 to February 2024. It enables us to find the plans of the Russian opposition for rebuilding a political system in post-Putin Russia. The article is based on desk research, historical methods, and thematic analysis.