The paper is a methodological review essay of Michael Bernhard and Jan Kubik’s comparative study of politics of memory and commemoration in seventeen Central and Eastern European states twenty years after the fall of state socialism. The goal of the essay is to critically examine Bernhard and Kubik’s volume, with a particular focus on the comparative methods they applied to explain how some political and cultural factors at the time of the collapse of communism affected a memory regime in the post-communist democracies. This analysis critically examines four aspects of the study, being: the central theoretical assumptions and contribution in comparative and memory politics; case selection; methodology and data analysis; main findings. Each part includes a summary of the particular aspect of the book, the main strengths and weaknesses, and possible improvements. The review essay emphasis is particularly novel and innovative comparative methodology in studying politics of memory and its universality, suggesting, however, severe problems with a lack of clear and consistent discourse analysis methodology which could affect the quality of final results.

Review Essay: Michael Bernhard & Jan Kubik (Eds.), Twenty Years after Communism: The Politics of Memory and Commemoration. New York: Oxford University Press 2014 (pp. 384). ISBN 9780199375134. Price: £79.00.

Katyn crime, also known as the Katyn massacre, was one of those historical facts that were kept secret for a very long time. From 1943 when it was revealed to 1990 the soviet Union denied their responsibility for the massacre. Eventually, publishing the original documents on the order of Borys Jecyn and handing tchem down to Poland on 14 October 1992 definitely confirmed the perpetrators of the crime. In the historic consciousness of both Polish and Russian societies there are still many questions and doubts about “the background of the picture” of Katyn crime. Therefore I found it very sensible to analyze the problem of Katyn crime in various history course books in Poland and Russia.

After the collapse of the communist political system both countries Poland and Russia introduced new history course books in all types of schools. The new course books not only mention the problem of Katyn crime but also say who was responsible for it. However, the Russians try to neutralize the crime by so called anti-Katyn, emphasizing the death of several thousands of Soviet soldiers imprisoned in Poland in the war of 1920 and after it.

Katyn crime, also known as the Katyn massacre, committed on the orders of the authority of the Soviet country, then treated as classified information, finally totally denied, was one of those historical facts that were kept secret for a very long time. From 1943 when it was revealed to 1990 the soviet Union denied their responsibility for the massacre. It changed on 13 April 1990 when the government agency TASS released the official statement confirming the soviet commission of the crime. Therefore I found it very sensible to analyze the problem of Katyn crime in various history course books in Poland and Russia, formerly The Soviet Union.

In the communist times in Poland the authors of history course books generally omitted the problem although surprisingly it appeared in so called Stalin times and in the eighties when Poland was governed by general Wojciech Jaruzelski.

It looked similar in the Soviet Union. The situation changed at the end of Michail Gorbaczow pierestojka and glasnost period when the students of the 11th grade were informed in their history course books about the death of Polish officers in Katyn in 1940.

How to be a Polish Jew and supporter of Zionism-revisionist after 1939? The thing about Jakub Perelman’s fate

Jakub Perelman, the author of memoirs, was born on 20 December 1902 in Warsaw. He was politically linked to the Zionist revisionists. This movement was created after the First World War thanks to the activity of Vladimir Jabotinsky. He was a poet, a soldier and a politician. Perelman’s memoirs concern his political activity, Polish-Jewish relations during the Second Polish Republic, events from the Second World War, and his views on life in People’s Poland. The last fragment of the memoir is related to Israel, where Perelman was in the early 1960s.

The insignificant trends of political thought. Contradictions and understatements

The main issue of this article are the insignificant trends of political thought and their contradictions and understatements. The article describes the following trends of political thought: anarchism, communism, nationalism, monarchism, transhumanism, primitivism, ruralism and also National anarchism, National Bolshevism and Slavophilism. These trends of political thought are characterized by internal contradictions and opposition to democracy.

Cooperation in competitive sport in the Eastern Bloc – an example of Polish-Romanian contacts (1948–1953)

The authors of the article carried out an analysis of sports contacts between Poland and Romania in the time of Stalinism by taking into account the ideological and organisational changes in both countries’ sport as well as sport rivalry. Of importance was also presenting the implementation of the Soviet model of physical culture in Poland and Romania coupled with difficulties and barriers to sports cooperation between Poland and Romania.

Kooperace ve vrcholovém sportu v zemích východního bloku na příkladu polsko-rumunských kontaktů (1948–1953)

Autor przedstawia genezę i analizuje symbolikę Memoriału Ofiar Komunizmu w Tallinie. Skupia się na założeniach koncepcyjnych przyjętych przez jego autorów, ale też bierze pod uwagę dokonywane później interpretacje przesłania monumentu. Przywołuje wydarzenia, do których odnosi się to miejsce pamięci. Opisuje okres sowieckiej okupacji Estonii i przedstawia bilans dokonywanych w tamtym czasie represji - masowych aresztowań, potajemnych egzekucji, deportacji ludności i brutalnej kolektywizacji rolnictwa. Tak zarysowany kontekst historyczny pozwala lepiej zrozumieć znaczenie opisywanego pomnika i jego miejsce na mapie pamięci współczesnej Estonii. Autor zwraca jednocześnie uwagę, że talliński pomnik stanowi istotny element nie tylko estońskiej, ale też - szerzej - europejskiej pamięci o ofiarach stalinizmu i komunizmu.

The aim of this article is to analyse Communist Party of Poland as the party of Polish proletariat, working class that represents also the interests of other Polish working peoples. Emphasis is placed The strategy of CPP is like other communist parties, socialist revolution, socialism and in the further time communism. The CPP is based in its struggle on the theory of Marxism-Leninism and the progressive tradition of the building of socialism in former People’s Republic Poland.

The subject of the analysis is the development of program and organizational changes in recent decades in Communist Party of China. In particular, the international context and potential opportunities for international cooperation of communist parties and the creation of a new global organization are considered. The publication also considers the historical background of the functioning of the Communist International. It is stated that Communist Party of China possess own independent way of building of socialism. Article main conclusion is that international communist movement should change its relations with the Communist Party of China and cooperate together.

Jan Stachniuk (1905–1963) was genuine Polish philosopher and political activist. Stachniuk started his activity in ranks of the left-wing Piłsudskite youth movement but during 1930s he became an ideologue of the anti-Catholic ultra-nationalist far right group called Zadruga. Under Nazi occupation of Poland Zadruga movement was absorbed into left-nationalist Stronnictwo Zrywu Narodowego and after the World War II Stachniuk unsuccessfully tried to collaborate with new communist regime. His ideology was synthesis of pantheist neopaganism, extreme pan-Slavic nationalism and totalitarian (quasi-Stalinist) version of socialism but his last – and most mature – works proclaimed universalist ideal of human creativity.

Class struggle in Poland and Europe

The main thesis of article is class struggle in contemporary Poland and Europe. Author is giving the explanation of the main features and socio-political characteristic of the contemporary epoch, the main features and conditions of revolutionary and counter revolutionary forces in Poland, especially at the time 1956, 1968–1970, 1980–1981 and 1989. More attention become the “Solidarity” movement and its leader L. Wałęsa and their counter revolutionary role in the working movement not only in Poland. The analysis contains also the explanation of the socio-economic situation in the PR China and political and ideological changes in CPC, the perspective of development of Poland in EU, socio-economic conditions of Polish peoples and their political behaviors, different classes and stratas, the level of the democracy and the causes of collapse of People’s Poland. What is the influence had accession of Poland to EU on the contemporary polish working movement, the role of Communist Party of Poland and other left parties and trade unions? What is the perspective of socialism in the time of European integration and globalization?

The Problem of Degeneration in the Anarchist thought of Peter Kropotkin

Peter Kropotkin was one of the most theorists of anarchism, a respected scholar and a leading representative of the so-called Russian (Eastern) Darwinism. Merging political and scientific ambition by the “anarchist prince” underlaid his scientism and was an assumption for making a critical analysis of existing socio-economic reality in the light of its influence on the biological and moral condition of humankind. The Russian anarchist was convinced about the destructive influence of conditions produced by the state and capitalism which he found as the fundamental cause of human degeneration. In this context, Kropotkin’s political proposals may be seen as a try to overcome a progressing both biological and moral crisis of humankind. The aim of this article is to present the mentioned analysis and to demonstrate the influence and similarities of Kropotkin’s project to the so-called theory of degeneration that was popular in the second half of XIX century.

Forming Homo Sovieticus: The Impact of the Communist Ideology on the First Polish Translations of Gianni Rodari’s Poems

Gianni Rodari’s works first appeared in Poland when he was yet little known, if not rather unpopular, in his homeland. In the 1950s, Italian criticism ignored Rodari’s literary efforts as a ‘militant’ communist, his works only reached a narrow circle of readers, and it would take some years until he garnered popularity in his homeland. Meanwhile, what the Italians failed to appreciate appeared to be gaining an almost instant recognition in the USSR and the Eastern Bloc countries. As a member of the Italian Communist Party, the Editor-in-Chief of the children’s magazine Pioniere, and an eager supporter of communism, Rodari won favour with the authorities of the Polish People’s Republic. The earliest translations of Rodari’s poetry were published in the Polish press as early as in 1953. They were based on Russian translations by Samuil Marshak, whom the Polish authorities notably considered a perfect children’s writer. Both Russian and Polish versions of Rodari’s poemst tend to differ greatly from the original texts and to bear a heavy ideological imprint. My argument in this article seeks to answer the following questions: Which of Rodari’s poems were translated into Polish in the 1950s and by whom? How are they different from the Italian originals? What was their reception in Poland? How was Rodari portrayed in Poland at the time?

“Defending Your Own Convictions” – Community and Political Work of Adam Pleśnar (1935–2013) until 1977

The article is an attempt to scratch the biography of Adam Plesnar. The analysis was subjected to the activity of the protagonist until 1977. Plesnar was an active member of the Club of Young Catholics at the University of Wroclaw, co-founder of the Young Democrats (ZMD). Already in the sixties he was convicted for opposition activities. In the seventies he was an activist of Polish Esperanto Association. He participated in protests against changes in the Constitution of the PRL. Since 1977 belonged to the members of the Movement in Defense of the Rights of Man and Citizen (ROPCiO) and the leader of the Movement of Free Democrats (RWD), an activist of the Wroclaw opposition. Within the Movement sought to participation of the opposition in legitimate forms of political activity, including in the elections to the Sejm PRL, while remaining critical of the existing system.

Władysław Bieńkowski and his ideas in the interwar period

The paper describes the ideological evolution of Władysław Bieńkowski (1906–1991) in the interwar period – in the Polish People’s Republic, he was first a communist activist and then a dissident. The author reconstructs the process of radicalization of Bieńkowski as an intellectual who was not a member of the Communist Party of Poland, but who after the Second World War found himself among higher-ranking communist activists. The thesis of this paper is that the dichotomy between individual freedom and participation in the communist movement, which was characteristic of Bieńkowski in the period of the Polish People’s Republic, dates back to his prewar ideas. The paper also contributes to the discussion on the attitudes of the Polish intelligentsia towards communism.

Characteristics of an authoritarian unit (Erich Fromm), with authoritarian personality (Theodor Adorno), with hard personality (Hans Eysenck) and dogmatic (Milton Romeach) and common features for these theoretical constructs

This article addresses the subject of Erich Fromm, Theodor Adorno, Hans Eysenck and Milton Rokeache theory characterizing personality particularly susceptible to the influence of authoritarianism, personality that combat democracy. In its first part there is the characteristics of these personalities, specifically authoritarian units (Erich Fromm), with authoritarian personality, hard personality (Hans Eysenck) and dogmatic (Milton Rozeach). The second part of this article is trying to find common features for these theoretical constructs. Mostly, however, it is a criticism of erroneous (in my opinion) thinking when creating these theories. I noticed that the creators of the majority of them not only describe personality types particularly susceptible to the influence of authoritarianism, but above all they condemn them. In practice, this comes down to attacking the extreme right. However, attention should be paid to several important issues that negate this attitude. With authoritarianism, only the right can be identified. The division of the right/left is not very sharp. In turn, authoritarianism does not always mean a lack of humanitarianism, intolerance, and persecution. Most of the above theoretical constructs indicate, in my opinion, it is wrong that the political features of a person acquire under the influence of the environment, the environment. However, they are not somehow inherited, genetically conditioned. In addition, I think that only a certain, smaller part of society has specific political views. And only among them there is a group of people with authoritarian tendencies. This part of a society that has unspecified political views can be a business – related political option, even authoritarian, if this option provides its benefits. The assumption that the political actions of society result from the internal features of individuals is another point with which it is difficult to (me) agree. In fact, the effectiveness of the ruling team decides.

The fall of Communism in the Central and Eastern European countries in the year 1989, was a historical change had occurred after the demise of communism. The decline of the Berlin Wall in November 1989 was one of the most important proceedings of the period: the conclusive end of the Cold War and the Iron Curtain. After the disintegration of the former USSR, the Eastern bloc had started the modernisation of institutions and adopted the norms of democracy. The third wave of democratisation of Samuel P. Huntington’s theory would apply the democratic changes in Central and Eastern Europe and Romania as well. It traces the discussions and opinions of institutional and political development in Romania with special attention to the events around 1989 Post-communism and Eastern enlargement of the European Union. The paper assesses the role of the European Union to promote democratization through Eastern neighbour policy. The paper broadly discusses the institutional and political development in Romania and the role of Copenhagen criteria and the country’s accession to the EU in early 2007. The result of this article is that Romania has successfully integrated into the European Union but that democratization is declining in the country.

Controlled eroticization of the proletariat through pro-natal policies was an almost unnoticed facet of the programme of iconographic public works displayed in exceptional locations throughout the newly-built resorts along Romania’s Black Sea shore. Never previously studied on its own merits, this artistic programme of open-air sculptures that begun in the Romanian Popular Republic and continued in the Romanian Socialist Republic needs to be understood and contextualized, by way of interdisciplinary instruments, against a broader post-Eastern approach that goes beyond the established methodologies of art history.

This paper traces the dramatic fate of Maria Konstantinova, who oversaw the Studios for Chronicles and Documentaries from 1949 to 1951. Her short activity in the archive of Bulgarian cinematography is outlined on the basis of documents from her professional dossier. Some of these documents were required for her appointment while others to provide information about her professional activities, or they are statements of her punishment. She was persecuted for revealing a “state secret” and negligence, delayed delivery of the film “The Long Way of a Cigarette” (dubbed in Russian), and the resulting “delayed production of a copy for the USSR”. Furthermore, in anonymous and signed reports, Maria Konstantinova was accused of financial abuse, immoral behaviour, a “grossly corrupt bohemian past”, “lesbian relationships with girlfriends”, “drunkenness and playing poker with men, and especially with women”...

Analyses of communist repression in post-communist Romania focused on anticommunism and its totemic figures. Laws, institutions and people promote this perspective, transforming the suffering of the formerly politically persecuted into a patrimony meant to be preserved and passed on. On the official level, the anticommunist paradigm gained momentum in December 2006 when the communist regime was condemned as ‘criminal and illegitimate’. However, a majority of the population have not embraced the official approach to communism as the fallen regime still acts as a ‘millieu de memoire’ (as defined by Pierre Nora). My article deals with the main institutions and laws which aimed at promoting and transmitting the memory of repression in post-communist Romania. Analyzing the memory politics as regards the communist repression might provide fresh insight into the ongoing process of building a cultural memory through selection, reconstruction and adjusting figures, deeds, and memorial items.