- Author:
Ryszard Franciszek Ławniczak
- E-mail:
ryszard.lawniczak@wat.edu.pl
- Institution:
Military University of Technology (Poland)
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8085-8618
- Published online:
30 October 2022
- Final submission:
23 May 2022
- Printed issue:
2023
- Source:
Show
- Page no:
8
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202256
- PDF:
ppsy/51/ppsy202256.pdf
This paper aims to evaluate the sources of Russia’s soft power as a tool which should enable it to integrate Belarus more closely with Russia. The research question is as follows: what are Russia’s main sources of attractiveness, and what kind of instruments of soft power is the Russian government applying to achieve that aim? To what extent was this soft policy successful? The author applied a qualitative research method. It is inductive and allows the researcher to explore meanings and insights into Russia’s notion of “soft power” in its foreign policy toward Belarus. The basis of it lies in the interpretive approach to the present reality of Russia – Belarus political and economic relations and in the evaluation of Russian efforts to integrate its closest neighbour by using only non-military means.
- Author:
Stavros Drakoularakos
- E-mail:
stavros.drakoularakos@cemmis.edu.gr
- Institution:
University of the Peloponnese (Greece)
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7053-6706
- Year of publication:
2024
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
107-123
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202407
- PDF:
ppsy/53-1/ppsy2024107.pdf
This article analyses Turkey’s foreign policy concerning the status quo of the post-Arab uprisings through the prism of regional hegemony theory. The aspiring regional hegemon is identified through criteria applied to Turkish foreign policy, recontextualizing soft power initiatives of the previous decades with current hard power policies. The article suggests that while the Arab uprisings played a vital part in the redefinition of Turkish foreign policy, Erdoğan’s domestic priorities informed its recalibration to weather political difficulties and maintain power. The objective would be to challenge the status quo shepherded by the West during the twentieth century as articulated by the Mavi Vatan doctrine, the motivation to renegotiate the Lausanne treaty, the conversion of the Hagia Sophia into a mosque, and even the escalating Erdoğan-Macron verbal feud. Turkey’s aspirations for regional hegemony are evidenced in policies including military intervention, diplomatic and economic support to state entities, escalation of tensions with other regional powers, and Erdoğan’s consolidation of power over Turkish domestic affairs.
- Author:
Ryszard Franciszek Ławniczak
- E-mail:
ryszard.lawniczak@wat.edu.pl
- Institution:
Military University of Technology (Poland)
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8085-8618
- Year of publication:
2024
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
21-31
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/npw20244002
- PDF:
npw/40/npw4002.pdf
This paper aims to evaluate the sources of Russia’s soft power as a tool which should enable it to integrate Belarus more closely with Russia. The research question is as follows: what are Russia’s main sources of attractiveness, and what kind of instruments of soft power is the Russian government applying to achieve that aim? To what extent was this soft policy successful? The author applied a qualitative research method. It is inductive and allows the researcher to explore meanings and insights into Russia’s notion of “soft power” in its foreign policy toward Belarus. The basis of it lies in the interpretive approach to the present reality of Russia – Belarus political and economic relations and in the evaluation of Russian efforts to integrate its closest neighbour by using only non-military means.