The question addressed in this paper asks what is to be learned with respect to the issue of gender ratio when pedagogical and political philosophical analyses apply principles of equity

In the past, the exclusion of women from the election had the sociological and cultural background. Woman’s status was derived from the status of her husband. The creation of mass parties at the end of the XIXth century had turned women into attractive potential voters. At the turn of the 19th and 20th century in Polish territories, under foreign partitions, the feminist movement was just beginning. That was because the essential issue for all Polish people: both men and women, was the regaining of the independence. Polish women undertook activity in all the countries, which annexed parts of Poland, but the character and intensity of this activity depended on the character of the regime of the occupant. The Decree of the State on the electoral law, adopted on 26 November 1918, established universal suffrage, without distinction of the sexes. Granting women unconditionally full electoral rights: active and passive (different than in other countries, when women first obtained the right to vote and later – usually after years – the right to stand for election) under the mentioned Decree in 1918, was certainly a defining and monumental historical moment. Nowadays, other factors are taken into account in deciding about equality laws: underrepresentation of women in leadership positions in politics and gender gaps, which still exist.

In the paper I discuss theoretical differences between left and right­libertarianism. (I will skip the specific and practical issues which differ left and right­libertarians, including among others the minorities and immigration policies or affirmative action. I assume that practical solutions suggested by the followers of both positions stem from their theoretical assumptions.) I will focus on two issues which determine the fundamental difference between left and right­libertarianism. These are property and equality. I compare standpoints of some leftlibertarians with the positions of rightlibertarians represented by Murray Rothbard, concerning property and equality. I conclude that the main and fundamental difference between leftand rightlibertarians concerns equality. Leftlibertarians are egalitarians whereas rightlibertarians are antiegalitarians. I also argue that egalitarian position is not compatible with the notion of full selfownership, which leftlibertarians advocate for.

In the text, we first recall the historical contexts of changes in public education, by recalling them to shape the distance necessary to reflect on the current solstices and transformations taking place in this area. One of the main tasks of a universal and uniform school in a modernizing Europe was to ensure equal educational start for all children. In neoliberal reality, this task ceased to be obvious, and with the significant participation of parents, the foundations of the school’s public character were undermined. Parents from a politically and economically dominant middle class, seeking to gain an advantage over their children, simply do not want public school. The public school defense is therefore easily marginalized. Using the example of recent reforms (e.g. American), we show how schools are no longer places where people belonging to different layers or social classes can create a common world. From this perspective, we analyze issues arising from the questioning of neoliberal social policy that has taken place in recent years. In Poland, it finds expression in, among others in the electoral victory of the grouping (Law and Justice – PiS), aiming to restore the previously overlooked social groups to their rightful place in public space. One could expect that the style of the previous educational policy will therefore be replaced by a more egalitarian, equality policy, preventing unjustifiable selections limiting the life chances of ‘lessborn’ children. However, PiS education policy goes in the opposite direction and expands the system’s selection strategies (elite high schools, no more “mass” access to schools, etc.). Trying to find out the reasons for this contradiction, we focus our attention on the profits that in public discourse brings – as practiced today – the replacement of society by the nation.

For over a decade, Iceland has been ranked first among countries around the world in the field of equality between women and men, both in the legal and social aspects. But such a spectacular achievement is not the result of legal regulations developed today or even in the last few decades. This is the final achievement of consistent, over a century of work - especially of women - for the proper and equal treatment of people, regardless of gender, and other differentiating factors. And although it is probably not realistic to create an ideal model, the Icelanders managed to work out a very difficult thing. Coexisting at the intersection of great attachment to tradition and the church, they noticed the subjectivity of each individual, as well as the right of this individual to be an equal subject of human rights and liberties. So, what is the concept of equality shaped in contemporary Iceland, and what legal and social processes have Icelanders undergone to achieve such exemplary standards? Pointing it out is the aim of this article.

My paper aims to sketch the current condition as well as main challenges of the Polish feminist movement after 1989. It focuses on how gender and women’s issues are approached and conceptualised in Poland today. The paper is enriched by a short outline of history of Polish women struggle for equal rights in especially political and economic dimensions. Importance of commemoration and acknowledgment of history of Polish women struggle is seen as crucial to post-1989 Polish reality in which terms such as democracy, freedom, equality, justice had to be re-invented/re-defined.

This text is an attempt to subjectively consider of the issue of equality, on the topic of which Ryszard Borowicz in 1988 wrote a monograph entitled “Równość i sprawiedliwość społeczna” [Equality and Social Justice]. The author, referring to a historical and legal overview of the notion of the citizen, tries to suggest that it is the political system that determines the status of its citizens. What is more, it also determines not only their legal situation but also the scope of their subjective rights, freedoms and obligations. The general principles enshrined in the constitution are the means that the legislator uses to show the citizens which values he considers the most important and which are intended to guide social change. The main goal of the authors’ deliberations is to signal the need to continue research on equality, especially given that the notion of equality should be considered from a wider perspective, for example taking into account the change of the political and legal system.

The purpose of this article is an attempt to show the development of Polish social work based on the works of Prof. Ryszard Borowicz. In the text were subjected to scientific reflections definitions and the main categories of research described by the author, which may be a starting point for the development of the theory and practice of social work (human dignity, work, equality and social justice, the auto-selection). The author devotes attention to questions of education and social work tasks facing contemporary social work. Text analysis R. Borowicz has allowed many findings. The main thing is that social work is transdisciplinary and interdisciplinary science that combines the traditions of different disciplines (especially sociology, pedagogy, social policy), the creation of social theory and practice should benefit from the experience of the world, but without forgetting the native and most importantly you need think about the future, and not focus on the present, because there will be more social problems and new needs that challenge for social work. Notably, many of the issues raised by the researcher is still valid and therefore worth reaching for his works and re-discover them.

Digital crowd – characteristics of the phenomenon

The purpose of this article is to describe the phenomenon of the digital crowd, which is a phenomenon specific to the functioning of political debate on the Internet (with particular emphasis on social media). Referring to the concept of Le Bon and Girard, it presents the behavior of the digital crowd and its importance for the development of public debate in the area of mass communication such as the Internet.

The Principle of Equality in Elections to Bodies of Self- Governments of Public Trust Professions

The aim of this article is to demonstrate that the constitutional principles relating to elections to public authorities should mutatis mutandis be the benchmark for elections to the bodies of self-government of public trust professions. The principle of equality of the electoral law is of particular importance in this area. The analysis has been carried out on the basis of the Polish Constitution, the case law of the Constitutional Tribunal and the laws and internal acts regarding professional self-governments. It follows that a breach of the principle of equality in the internal acts of a professional self-government may be grounds for declaring them unlawful. Whereas, laws concerning these self-governments should enable the scrutiny of elections. The considerations lead to the conclusion that topics combining the position of professional self-governments and democratic standards of the election law can be a field of interesting research in the domain of constitutional law.

An important argument in favour of recognising the cultural relativism and against universality of dignity and human rights, is the claim that the concept of dignity is a genuinely modern one. An analysis of a passage from the Demiurge’s speech in Timaeus reveals that Plato devoted time to reflecting on the question of what determines the qualitative difference between certain beings (gods and human being) and the world of things, and what forms the basis for the special treatment of these beings – issues that using the language of today can be described reasonably as dignity. The attributes of this form of dignity seem to overlap with the nature of dignity as we know it today. Moreover, Plato proposes a response both to the question of what dignity is like, as well as the question of what dignity is. It is existential perfection, rooted in a perfect manner of existence, based on a specific internal unity of being. Dignity is therefore primordial in regard to particular features and independent of their acquisition or loss. Plato’s approach allows him to postulate that people be treated as ends in themselves; an approach therefore that prohibits the treatment of people as objects. Both the state and law are ultimately subordinated to the good of the individual, rather than the individual to the good of the state.

The education system and its role in reproducing gender inequality have been discussed in different European countries for over 40 years. The research-based reports from 16 European countries delivered to European Commission within Exchange of Good Practice on Gender Equality forum created a unique opportunity to learn about the main themes, intensity and stages of development of gender and education discourse across Europe. The analysis of the situation in various countries revealed some differences and similarities in the approach to introducing gender in education between post-communist countries and countries with long-time history of gender equality debate. The areas of difference refer to social perception of gender, discrepancy between official legislation and practice, cooperation with educational authorities, textbooks contents and attitude to sexual education. The major similarities concern teachers’ awareness and attitudes, gender gap between boys and girls in scholastic achievements, segregation in vocational choice and feminization of teaching profession. The country overview allows to locate Poland on the map of this European discourse as well as to show inspiring examples coming from the countries far more developed in introducing gender sensitive mechanisms in educational practice.

The article is devoted to problem of the relationship between university and contemporary culture. There are following main areas of the analysis: equality and inequality of educational opportunity at the higher education level, a role of general and specialist training in the students' teaching, academic freedom, hierarchical structure of university and pluralism of academic discourse. All these subjects are analysed against the background of a broader social and cultural condition

The idea of women’s equality in the context of human rights and equality policies of Polish political groups

This article analyzes the idea of women’s equality in the perspective of human rights. Starting from the definitional formulation of human rights, through the inclusion of women’s rights to human rights, the legal and social aspects of equality has been indicated and human rights, in the context of the socio-political situation of women in Poland, has been presented. The main research question is whether women’s equality is achieved and to what extent. Are we talking about a practical dimension (implemented) or only a declarative one? To answer this key question, the programs of political groups in Poland and their equality policy were subjected to a comparative analysis. For the purpose of the research, the programs of those groups that obtained parliamentary mandates in the 2019 elections, i.e., Law and Justice, Civic Coalition, and Polish People’s Party, were analysed.