This paper aims to explain that the stable situation of Belarus is important for Western Europe and why any fluctuations may present a challenge for European integrity and stability. Belarus, since the beginning of its independence in 1991 seems to show a great willingness to cooperate closely with Russia, claiming Western Europe and NATO as a potential enemy. In reality, the Belarusian position is much more complicated and ambiguous. Despite it’s close military cooperation with Russia, different tensions between Minsk and Moscow regularly happen and Belarusian authorities are still looking for new foreign partners and new energy suppliers (what was clearly visible in the last months of 2016 and the first period of 2017). Russia, old Belarusian partner, may actually even pose a threat for Belarus, so the country’s authorities have a hard challenge to maintain its stability. Western countries may be open for a new chapter of cooperation with Minsk but any rapid changes in Belarusian foreign preferences may result in unpredictable results and Moscow reaction that – in turn – would be very challenging for the whole European stability and security. 

The aim of the article is to examine whether Nordic area can be regarded as a homogenous and successfully cooperating region, which is providing one unified political front. Considering many similarities between Nordic states, as for example shared values (equality, women rights, common love of democracy, peace and welfare state), one could say that Nordic states constitute a single and unitary area. What is more, the linguistic, cultural and historical closeness of those states is a fact, but at the same time many differences can be pointed, especially considering their security and foreign policies. Those aspects seem to be the main obstacle in introducing full cooperation in the region. Nevertheless, it is worth noticing that current international developments and appearance of new threats to security are influencing the Nordic states which, as a result, are changing their attitudes towards security policy. Those factors could lead to introducing new dimensions of their cooperation. 

For some time now, an issue of the Europeanization has been quite deeply explored in literature on political science. Numerous authors take on that subject in a variety of contexts, which means that it is a problem that is very interesting from a scientifi c point of view. Th ere are plenty of Polish scientists researching this area, as well as a great number of foreign publications. An interest of Europeanization’s processes is most often investigated in the context of public politics. In this article, by the use of a nomological – deductive approach, the author endeavors to make an explanation of the term Europeanization and also to show to what extend and how the Europeanization of Polish armed forces succeeded in the context of their participation in missions lead by the European Union.

The problem of politics is that nobody controls it anymore, because the social formula of its acceptance is expiring, or has already expired. There is anarchy. There exist monopolies of international corporations, which try to govern globally but do not have sufficient social legitimation to do it. The notion of economic globalisation that refers to this has been developed, but in reality there is a vacuum of global management and participation (the growth of emotions over reasons, a tribal approach, and territorialism) in the prospect of growing threats (e.g. climate change, terrorism, migrations, pandemics). An average human, full of natural envy, desires that everybody can fulfil themselves in the material world the same as them, and such equality would be satisfying for them as we know that the argument about similar stomachs is universal. He or she does not want equality in spiritual realisation; here, with ease, he or she accepts that there are smarter and more talented people than them, but they will defend fiercely their equality, treating their right to it extremely seriously. Equality is a part of human faith, and practice confirms the suggestions that traditional mythical patterns cannot be eliminated without toil. Certainly, there is no threat of the end of politics. So far, all living organisms of the human kind organise themselves. The specifics of this self-organisation depend on self-determination. People will have an interest in politics as long as politics determines their security. Nowadays, we are again witnesses to disorder, revolution, desperation, and terror, so the factors that cause fear start to dominate in the moral narrative. Finally, security and directing improvement of life chances are tasks of politics and the political character. It would be a catastrophe if a problem of security returned to its pre-political state. The basic aspect of human self-determination is the organisation of every personal life according to the norms and activities allowed by the group. Theories referring to the crisis of democracy (through e.g. the dictates of fear of nuclear war, terrorism, ecologic catastrophe, a technocratic state with an expert-driven system, entertainment justified by economic-political interest groups, and losing sovereignty through complicated institutions, external networks, and sub-political social subgroups) could become true, or have already become true. The loss of reputation, credibility, and attractiveness can happen at the same time as the decline of the meaning of internalisation in social communication, which appears in the growing discouragement towards politics and the creation of subsystems that are not predictable and steerable in a democratic way because of their complexity.

The France on the international stage, with Russia can be changed while in the field of energy, trying to benefit from mutual cooperation. This comes from the desire of France to ensure the security of gas supplies, supply diversification, the strengthening of French companies in the field of energy in the European Energy market. France pursued a policy based on the security of supplies from sources of imports under long-term contracts. In addition to security issues and important economic role played by political issues. France is more active cooperation in economic matters and issues of energy security between Germany and Russia. Doesn’t want to be completely excluded from cooperation in this area. Offer Russia the possibility of buying some military technology and nuclear missiles, which can Germany offer.

The aim of this article is to present the eastern policy in conceptions of Stronnictwo Konserwatywno-Ludowe (SKL). Stronnictwo was established in 1997 as result of uniting such political parties as Partia Konserwatywna, Stronnictwo Ludowo- Chrześcijańskie and the group of Members of Parliament from Unia Wolności. The youth organisation of SKL was Młodzi Konserwatyści AWS. Stronnictwo is categorised as a postsolidarity and conservative party. In the field of the eastern policy, SKL appealed to historical geopolitical conceptions: the Promethean conception, the political thought of the Parisian „Kultura” and indirectly to ideas of Adolf Bocheński. The party believed that independent Ukraine had fundamental meaning for the security of Poland. In the opinion of SKL Russia returned to imperial policy towards the states of the Central and Eastern Europe. The accession to NATO and the European Union was supposed to be a chance for Poland, which could become the creator of the EU eastern policy in this way. The members of the party and the youth organisation to cooperated also with the opposition in Belorussia, for example Białoruski Front Ludowy.

The Polish Political Science Yearbook invites all scholars, researchers and professionals to participate in the 7th PPSY International Seminar "Security in Central Europe: Confronting Uncertainty?" which takes place in Toruń (Poland) on April 24, 2018. The conference supports a special section of the current Volume 47 of 2018 of the journal and its objective is to discuss challenges of security and stability in Central Europe and to present current advancements in regional security studies.

Deadline for application: April 6, 2018, with the Online Form.

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The paper addresses problems related to energy policies pursued by Central European countries. It identifies the amounts of energy resources in individual countries in the Visegrád Group as well as the transmission infrastructures they use for natural gas and crude oil. The author discusses projects aimed at diversifying energy supplies which are of key importance to V4 countries. The article also presents relations between those countries in both within the group and bilaterally. When outlining prospects of a V4 energy strategy, the account is taken of such vital aspects as relations with the Russian Federation and the contribution made by Visegrád countries to EU actions designed to develop a single energy market.

In 2006 Dimitry Trenin stated that Russia left the West and began to work on creation of her own sphere on influence. The area of Russian activity in particular was the post-Soviet zone where Moscow wanted to rebuild their dominant position. Sergey Karaganow added: “Moscow has realized that she neither wants to nor she can afford to integrate with the West on the conditions proposed by the West – the type of integration without the right of veto”38. Alexander Dugin, an Euro-Asian ideologist claimed: “We proved that we did not give a damn about NATO and we were not afraid of it. We have the nuclear weapon and we are ready to use it. Russia crossed the line from which she can not withdraw anymore. This is a course for the revival of Russian sovereignty and the position of regional power – in practice, not just in words”39. The above quotations reflect the Russian attitude to the NATO and show the role of this organization for Russia. Undoubtedly, the Alliance is perceived by Russia as a threat and a rival. The reasons of such perception are primarily the Alliance’s claims to play the role of a “guardian” of global peace, attempts to interfere in the area recognized by Russia as her sphere of influence, strengthening the position of NATO in Eastern Europe and project of development new defence technologies such as missile defence. Since the 90s Russia consistently has been trying to undermine the importance of NATO and to put it into the frame of international structures of security governance. In 2010 minister Sergey Lavrov argued that NATO is a relic of a bygone era and should be subjugated to the principles of the UN Security Council.

The paper Politics of Russia and security of Eastern Europe after 1991 examines the impact of policy on Russia after 1991, the safety of Eastern Europe. The author focused on activities of Russia to Ukraine and the Caucasus at the beginning of the 21st century. In that time is the activation of Western policy in the region. NATO turns out logistical support of the region’s States in the reconstruction and modernization of the armed forces. Russia’s response to the aggressive military action, the effect of which was the war with Georgia in 2008 and annexation of Crimea in 2014. It takes place now hybrid warfare with the Alliance and consolidated at the same countries such as Ukraine. The escalation of the aggressive actions of Russia threatens regional and delay the integration of Eastern European States with the European Union.

Since the fall of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, the Russian Federation has been trying to regain its importance in the global arena. One way of restoration of influence in the world is to build a multipolar order, including the establishment of regional alliances. Shanghai Cooperation Organization is one of such attempts in the region of Central Asia, and even the entire Asian continent. Therefore, drawing attention to the role of Russian Federation in the development of this structure appears to be important, especially when considering the growing significance of Central Asia as a result of the construction of the New Silk Road. Russian authorities, however, do not limit their involvement to the single structure. At the same time they are working on development of other organizations, aimed at building their influence in the world. By such actions Russian Federation is trying to minimize the significance of the People’s Republic of China, European Union and United States of America, especially in the so-called near abroad.

The multitude of defining the concept of security is related to the fact that representatives of various fields of science describe and perceive this phenomenon from the point of view of terminology, own knowledge, as well as from the scope of their discipline. For many security is a belief that you are out of the reach of any threat. Based on the Copenhagen school theory, the essence of the objective and subjective understanding of security was emphasized. Against this background, the movement of people was analyzed as a security issue. Poles living in Great Britain are more often in contact with this issue than in their country of origin. The scale of threats is extremely different. For Poles migrating to the UK, the most dangerous threats appear to be in the social sphere. The aim of the article is to analyze the phenomenon of Polish migration to Great Britain after 2004. Additionally, the process of describing security and its transition from the sphere of theory to practice was attempted. Although in the open public space, on city streets, parks and squares, there are personal threats related to crimes, as well as to social threats – attacks and assaults caused by frustrated and aggressive groups or individuals, Poles feel safe. Despite knowing about terrorism or manifestations of social or cultural phobias, Poles migrate to Great Britain. In addition, the article attempts to prove that the technological extension of public space leads to a sense of greater security.

In the light of the official statements made by the capitals of its coastal states, there is probably not a single centimetre of free space left in this sea, to which a claim has not been issued. In some parts of the sea, the claims of three, four of even five states overlap, creating a truly Gordian knot. The significance of the South China Sea causes that if the dispute over the archipelagos is not settled by implementing peaceful methods and means, at the negotiation table, East Asia region is likely to become a potential source of destabilisation and conflict whose size, in respect to the location and the number of parties directly or indirectly engaged in the dispute might turn out to be extremely hazardous.

The article discusses Russian information warfare focusing mainly on propaganda issues, which were used during the conflict in Ukraine, and tries to find an answer to the question of to what extent these undertakings are dangerous to Euro-Atlantic security. It provides a political background of the conflict in order to better understand why Russia is using particular information warfare tools. The article analyzes manipulation techniques and the use of specific elements of Russian identity such as the attitude to history and the role of the Orthodox Church. Finally, it discusses a possible influence these actions may have on security and stability of the EU and NATO and their particular member states.

The aim of the article is to analyse Russian active measures in the context of psychological warfare. Active measures are defined as the actions of political warfare conducted by Russian secret service. In case of Russian Federation they are the core of psychological operations that are tools of realising international and domestic policy priorities. Active measures include disinformation campaigns and supporting insurgency in opponent states. Regarding the context of psychological operations active measures are designed to model the mental sphere of opponent society. Active measures are aimed at weakening the unity of the European Union as well as common trust in NATO. Creating favourable atmosphere for Russian activity is the main goal of implementing active measures. Therefore active measures are considered as a great part of Russian interpretation of psychological warfare. Although active measures can support the military activity they are designed to influence the mental sphere of opponent society and are used to create opinions and interpretations that match Russian interests. Those measures are difficult to identify and therefore are threats that are not easy to counteract.

Security, existence, threat. Relational typology and conclusions for crisis management theory

Paper presents typology of security build on theory of relation in terms of methodology of pragmatic functionalism. It was divided on two perspectives: subjective and objective one. Author explains possibility of forming complex theories as well. Attention was also drawn to conclusions for theory of crisis management.

The author analyses the manifestations of cities’ growing role for ensuring the national/international as well as environmental and human security. Cities of today increasingly participate in international relations – they internalize, implement and enforce international law, sometimes independently of their States’ international legal obligations, for example when they pledge to implement human rights conventions or environmental law obligations that their own States did not pledge to fulfill. In this way they contribute to international peace and security. On the basis of those manifestations, the author attempts to explain the possible position of cities on the international plane and according to international law – whether they should be accorded greater autonomy or international legal personality. The author also indicates that the role of cities in the area of different aspects of security is growing.

Bezpieczeństwo jest dziś słowem-kluczem. Bez jego zagwarantowania nie może być mowy o rozwoju społeczno-gospodarczym państw czy organizacji. Bez niego żaden podmiot nie będzie w stanie sprostać pojawiającym się co chwilę wyzwaniom. I choć świat ulega dynamicznym przeobrażeniom, to jednak wciąż w cenie jest posiadanie realnej siły i zdolności odstraszania potencjalnych nieprzyjaciół. Poprawne lub nawet świetne kontakty gospodarcze nie zastąpią więc sił zbrojnych, silnych przemysłów obronnych czy paktów militarnych. Dlatego państwa Starego Kontynentu, wszystkie bez wyjątku, zdać muszą sobie wreszcie sprawę, że trwające od lat redukowanie wydatków wojskowych i wykorzystywanie USA jako gwaranta europejskiego bezpieczeństwa musi się zakończyć. Czas, by Europa wzięła większą odpowiedzialność za siebie i świat. A potencjał ku temu jest wystarczający.

Balkan melting pot of cultural security – radicalization in Bosnia and Hercegovina

After the end of the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina in 1995, radical Islam spread in the country. The process of radicalization was influenced by the activity of Islamic charities and development assistance from Saudi Arabia and the settlement of former Arab fighters in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The article aims to argue the importance of the problem of cultural security and radicalization in the Balkans, and in particular in Bosnia and Herzegovina.
In Bosnia and Herzegovina, the authorities try to implement educational policy that tackles multiculturalism and religion, as well as to open a dialogue with radicals who have become a threat to the majority of residents. Nonetheless, there are many people in Bosnia and Herzegovina who are vulnerable to radical ideology, which in extreme cases resulted in them taking a journey to Syria and Iraq and joining the so-called Islamic State. The reasons behind this decision were, among others: unemployment, poverty and lack of faith in a better future for the young generation.

The importance of oil in the relations of the People’s Republic of China with the countries of the Gulf Cooperation Council in the second decade of the 21st century

The development of the Chinese economy in recent years and the changing international situation has led to the People’s Republic of China increasingly seeking stable sources of energy that could feed its developing economy. The countries of the Middle East, especially the Islamic Republic of Iran, occupy a significant place in China’s energy security policy, but in the second decade of the 21st century, Beijing’s intensification of relations with Arab monarchies from the Gulf Cooperation Council can be observed. This article aims to show the role of energy security in Sino-Arab relations in the second decade of the 21st century and the importance of oil imports for the development of the economy of the People’s Republic of China.