In the light of the official statements made by the capitals of its coastal states, there is probably not a single centimetre of free space left in this sea, to which a claim has not been issued. In some parts of the sea, the claims of three, four of even five states overlap, creating a truly Gordian knot. The significance of the South China Sea causes that if the dispute over the archipelagos is not settled by implementing peaceful methods and means, at the negotiation table, East Asia region is likely to become a potential source of destabilisation and conflict whose size, in respect to the location and the number of parties directly or indirectly engaged in the dispute might turn out to be extremely hazardous.

In recent years, the South China Sea area has become the arena of competition between the countries of Southeast Asia that set up claims to maritime areas and the islands, and, all the more, want to control and exploit what can be found under the seabed, namely the deposits of oil and gas. The situation in the area cannot even be resolved by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (Montego Bay, 1982). Apart from the resources found in the sea and under the seabed, this body of water is an important shipping route, which makes it a strategically significant area for each of the countries located there, or those whose interests involve the South China Sea.
In this work, I describe the current situation in the waters of South China Sea: whether the countries bordering it strive for conflict or just secure their interests. It turns out each of the states will set up demands to the islands on this sea and especially to everything that lives in the sea and is to be found under the seabed. Minor, and also more significant incidents will happen, but it does not seem likely that any serious open conflict between the states of the region will break out in the close future. None of the countries pursues it and they do everything they can to maintain the status quo.

Azja Południowo-Wschodnia stanowi region ekstremalnie różnorodny kulturowo. Współczesna rzeczywistość cywilizacyjno-kulturowa stanowi efekt licznych interakcji międzygrupowych, różnorodnych grup etnicznych i wyznawców odmiennych religii, do których dochodziło na przestrzeni dziejów. Charakter regionu determinowany jest także przez ukształtowanie terenu oraz bliskie sąsiedztwo dwóch ważnych cywilizacji: Indii oraz Chin. W artykule omówione zostaną źródła zróżnicowania cywilizacyjno-kulturowego Azji Południowo-Wschodniej.

Stowarzyszenie Narodów Azji Południowo- -Wschodniej (ASEAN) jest organizacją polityczno - gospodarczą, stawiającą sobie za cel konsekwentne pogłębianie współpracy pomiędzy swymi członkami. Co więcej, nieustannie wzmacnia swoją rolę jako czołowej organizacji międzynarodowej w regionie Azji Południowo- -Wschodniej, stając się istotnym partnerem dla wielu aktorów. Podstawowym celem artykułu jest zbadanie, w jaki sposób ASEAN definiuje sam siebie, przy wykorzystaniu strategicznych narracji. Na samym początku wyjaśniono, na czym polega analiza strategicznych narracji. Następnie przy wykorzystaniu owej analizy, sprawdzono, w jaki sposób ASEAN formułuje swą strategiczną narrację. Zrozumienie sposobu kształtowania i budowania narracji jest bowiem niezbędne, aby zrozumieć, jakie są również strategiczne cele organizacji. Artykuł kończy podsumowanie.

The rivalry between the United States and China in the Southeast Asia in 2017 and 2018.

The rivalry of great powers between the United States and China embraces all regions of East Asia, including Southeast Asia and the South China Sea. The situation changed and became even more dynamic at the beginning of 2017, with the arrival of Donald Trump, the new American President. Donald Trump’s decision to withdraw the United States from the Trans Pacific Partnership had a significant influence on the situation in Southeast Asia and started a trade war with China as well as a race in the field of new technologies. The Trump Administration also introduced a new strategy of “free and open Indo – Pacific” which shared some basic strategic similarities with its predecessor – the Pivot. Washington has labeled China a strategic rival and a military threat. The American activities are strongly supported by Japan. The Japanese prime minister Shinzō Abe considers supporting Trump’s policy of trade war and general confrontation with China is in Japanese national interest. China was surprised by the evolution of American policy and its reaction was rather defensive. The Chinese president Xi Jinping suspects that the US’s real goal is to prevent China from rising or projecting power and influence abroad, especially in Southeast Asia and South China Sea. However China’s leadership has firmly decided to oppose the American administration policy, particularly in the above mentioned region.
The countries of the region of Southeast Asia started to be severely challenged by China but also by the United States and Japan, especially in the South Chinese Sea. The majority of these countries are likely to continue the “hedge” policy.

Cultural dimensions of English used as a lingua franca in Southeast Asia

This paper presents the results of an investigation into the cultural influence on the use of English as a lingua franca in Southeast Asia. The findings were derived from semi-structured interviews with 24 Thai students of English. Four morphosyntactic variables of Thai English have been selected for analysis (‘be’ as copula and auxiliary, past tense marking, noun plural marking, particles) and contrasted with linguistic features of Southeast Asian varieties of English (Singapore Colloquial English, Philippine English and Malaysian English). The evidence suggests that variable occurrence of the investigated forms is not random. On the one hand, the data shows substrate language influence, e.g. nul copula, use of particles, past tense omission. However, the analysis also reveals that these variables are present in other non-Asian vernaculars.

The problem of distribution and consumption of intoxicating substances is considered a socially harmful phenomenon and Southeast Asia is a region particularly affected by drugs. In the face of this challenge, the heads of many states undertake radical actions, going beyond the legal framework, referred to as state vigilantism. Based on the example of three selected political leaders (Thaksin Shinawatra, Rodrigo Duterte and Joko Widodo), the author points out how radical strategies for fighting the drug problem contribute to increasing popularity, even though the problem has not been resolved since the early 1970s. Cross-comparison analysis of the three mentioned cases aims at identifying sources of effectiveness and attractiveness of populist methods that have not changed significantly for fifty years. Among them the author argues that vigilantism grows out of populism and takes the form of a spectacle containing such elements as dehumanising discourse, extrajudicial killings and the theme of the nation’s morality at risk.

This paper will answer the question of the viability of Vietnam’s strategy for survival. How sustainable is the enmeshment and balancing strategy? Due to its geopolitical position, Vietnam has found itself on a precipice: almost all significant and regional powers find themselves seeking a partnership with Vietnam. Vietnam has also pursued these partnerships, hoping to stabilize and strengthen the state’s position. It is all the more important due to rising tensions in the South China Sea. Independence and survival are overreaching themes of Vietnamese foreign policy. The main strategy is for great and regional powers to balance each other out in the region, allowing Vietnam the greatest possible decision-making freedom. There is however a question of the viability of that balancing strategy. Certain strategic partnerships, like those with India, Japan, or the US, have been developed, but only to a degree, and their viability has yet to be tested. It is possible that this course of action, calculated to balance China’s influence in the region, might backfire in the end, returning the region to the Chinese sphere of influence as predicted by David Kang.