- Author:
Karol Kościelniak
- Institution:
Adam Mickiewicz University in Poznań
- Year of publication:
2013
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
138-149
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/rop201308
- PDF:
rop/2013/rop201308.pdf
In recent years, the South China Sea area has become the arena of competition between the countries of Southeast Asia that set up claims to maritime areas and the islands, and, all the more, want to control and exploit what can be found under the seabed, namely the deposits of oil and gas. The situation in the area cannot even be resolved by the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (Montego Bay, 1982). Apart from the resources found in the sea and under the seabed, this body of water is an important shipping route, which makes it a strategically significant area for each of the countries located there, or those whose interests involve the South China Sea.
In this work, I describe the current situation in the waters of South China Sea: whether the countries bordering it strive for conflict or just secure their interests. It turns out each of the states will set up demands to the islands on this sea and especially to everything that lives in the sea and is to be found under the seabed. Minor, and also more significant incidents will happen, but it does not seem likely that any serious open conflict between the states of the region will break out in the close future. None of the countries pursues it and they do everything they can to maintain the status quo.
- Author:
Andrzej Polus
- Institution:
Uniwersytet Wrocławski
- Author:
Wojciech Tycholiz
- Institution:
Uniwersytet Wrocławski
- Year of publication:
2018
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
177-195
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/athena.2018.58.11
- PDF:
apsp/58/apsp5811.pdf
Celem artykułu jest zaprezentowanie zarysu relacji pomiędzy rządem Tanzanii a działającymi tam korporacjami wydobywczymi, w szczególności w sektorze gazu naturalnego. Ramy teoretyczne artykułu osadzone są w krytycznej międzynarodowej ekonomii politycznej i sprowadzają się do współkonstrukcji uwarunkowań gospodarczych i politycznych w procesach negocjacyjnych, przy jednoczesnej akceptacji tezy, iż Tanzania jest obszarem peryferyjnym w międzynarodowym podziale pracy, a koncerny wydobywcze nie mają na celu zmiany jej pozycji. Po zaprezentowaniu charakterystyki tanzańskich złóż gazu omówione zostały wybrane elementy tanzańskiego reżimu politycznego, które zdaniem autorów plamają kluczowe znaczenie dla zrozumienia wagi górnictwa gazowego dla administracji prezydenta Magufuliego. Następnie omówione zostały czynniki warunkujące procesy negocjacyjne pomiędzy rządem tanzańskim a koncernami wydobywczymi.
- Author:
Dariusz Juruś
- Year of publication:
2016
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
91-101
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/kie.2016.02.07
- PDF:
kie/112/kie11207.pdf
In the paper I discuss theoretical differences between left and rightlibertarianism. (I will skip the specific and practical issues which differ left and rightlibertarians, including among others the minorities and immigration policies or affirmative action. I assume that practical solutions suggested by the followers of both positions stem from their theoretical assumptions.) I will focus on two issues which determine the fundamental difference between left and rightlibertarianism. These are property and equality. I compare standpoints of some leftlibertarians with the positions of rightlibertarians represented by Murray Rothbard, concerning property and equality. I conclude that the main and fundamental difference between leftand rightlibertarians concerns equality. Leftlibertarians are egalitarians whereas rightlibertarians are antiegalitarians. I also argue that egalitarian position is not compatible with the notion of full selfownership, which leftlibertarians advocate for.
- Author:
Nagmeldin Karamalla-Gaiballa
- E-mail:
karamalla@gmail.com
- Institution:
University of Commerce and Services
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-7613-3334
- Author:
Siham El-Kafafi
- Institution:
Arrows Research Consultancy
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-5480-451X
- Published online:
25 September 2021
- Final submission:
13 August 2021
- Printed issue:
2021
- Source:
Show
- Page no:
12
- Pages:
7-18
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/ppsy202144
- PDF:
ppsy/50/ppsy202144.pdf
This research paper explores the impact of sociological perspectives on the relationship between natural resources and conflicts. From these theoretical perspectives, many fundamental sources of conflict over natural resources are identified and defined. This research takes the approach of a case study in which the researchers investigate and analyze the sources of conflict happening in the Darfur region of Sudan. This case study explores the demographic changes, economic development, and social inequality among some factors contributing to conflict over resources in this region. The research findings demonstrated that various factors play a vital role in the availability of natural resources, which is the main reason sides other reasons flaring conflict in the Darfur region in Sudan. These factors are related to climate change, destruction of ecosystems, immigration, demographic change, and political changes. Even though various factors could impact the conflict of resources in the Darfur region in Sudan, these researchers focused in this research paper on the sociological perspective only.
- Author:
Dominic Serres
- E-mail:
dominic.serres@student.uj.edu.pl
- Institution:
Jagiellonian University in Kraków, Poland
- Author:
Lotta Lehtosalo
- E-mail:
lotta.lehtosalo@student.uj.edu.pl
- Institution:
Jagiellonian University in Kraków, Poland
- Year of publication:
2023
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
37-50
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/ksm20230203
- PDF:
ksm/38/ksm3803.pdf
The natural resource sector has become a dominant part of the Russian economy and thus affected the political developments of the state greatly. Understanding of the interplay of Russian politics and economics after the fall of the Soviet Union is integral for understanding why Russia has developed steadily into a more autocratic direction during the past few decades. The phenomenon through which we will be analyzing the intertwining of political and economic spheres of Russia is the natural resource curse concept. We seek to understand what factors have contributed to Russia’s failure to avoid the natural resource curse and give examples on how the natural resource curse manifests itself especially in today’s Russia political reality. Does the abundance of natural resources contribute to the emergence of a hyper-presidential, autocratic regime in Russia?
- Author:
Khamees Abdulqadir Salim Mohammed
- Institution:
University of Wrocław (Poland)
- ORCID:
https://orcid.org/0009-0005-7220-6539
- Year of publication:
2023
- Source:
Show
- Pages:
97-105
- DOI Address:
https://doi.org/10.15804/ajepss.2023.1.07
- PDF:
ajepss/2-1/ajepss2023107.pdf
The aim of this paper is to identify the key determinants in the Gulf Cooperation Council (which will be referred as GCC) for Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) inflows. Using the understandings of financial econometrics, the study discusses a significant positive association between FDI in Non-oil industries, while on the contrary, the negative association with the Oil industries. Natural resources are a path for some countries to attract FDI but it does not achieve the main benefits of FDI, which is introduction of new technology and offering job opportunities. Existing literature argues the suggestion that resource-rich countries attract less FDI because of resource (oil) price volatility. Statistical Models in Economic are used to analyze the data in achieving the conclusion. This study examines that natural resources discourage FDI in GCC countries, and helps identify policy reform priorities to support diversification and growth in the GCC through foreign investment.